Womens Justice Center

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


The spread of the Zika virus may be changing Americans' views on late-term abortion, presenting a new challenge for abortion opponents.

Polls conducted in July by STAT News and Harvard University's T.H. Chan School of Public Health found that people asked about late-term abortion were largely opposed to it until the question was framed to include babies who may have microcephaly caused by Zika.

Then, 59 percent of respondents said they would support abortion after 24 weeks, in contrast to 23 percent who said they would when microcephaly wasn't mentioned, Helen Branswell of STAT reported.

Support for late-term abortions when microcephaly is suspected increased even among Republicans, according to STAT.

Forty-eight percent said they would support the late-term abortion of a baby with microcephaly, compared with just 12 percent when not asked specifically about Zika defects.

Among Democrats, the numbers climbed to 72 percent in favor of aborting Zika babies after 24 weeks, compared with 34 when microcephaly was not mentioned.

“The data are clear that although people aren’t in favor of late-term abortion in general, they are sympathetic to women when their pregnancies can be affected by Zika virus,” Gillian SteelFisher, deputy director of the Harvard Opinion Research Program, told Branswell.


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For three weeks now, the hashtag #StopEnslavingSaudiWomen has been active on social media. The newly established feminist association Saudi Women Against Marginalization, which took to Twitter in June, launched this hashtag. Meanwhile, the issue of ending male guardianship over women in Saudi Arabia remains highly controversial.

Saudi women are not just calling for the end of male guardianship in marriage contracts or the transfer of guardianship from one abusive husband or oppressive father to another better man who could be a brother or uncle, like it was for women a few years ago in some Saudi courts.

In fact, women are calling for dropping all forms of supervision and control from brothers, fathers or grandfathers as guardianship limits women’s freedom and willpower.

Saudi blogger and writer Hams Sonosi is one of the main advocates of this cause. On Aug. 11, she tweeted that the campaign to end male guardianship has achieved huge success on social media, although it has not led to a change of laws. She asked Saudi women to hold on to this legal and social demand.

Subsequently, the opposing hashtag #SaudiWomenProudofGuardianshipappeared. Academic Amerah Saeidi is one of the main opponents to ending male guardianship. On July 30, she tweeted that the injustice of some guardianstoward their proteges should be dealt with through legal solutions, not by dropping Sharia laws.

For three weeks now, the hashtag #StopEnslavingSaudiWomen has been active on social media. The newly established feminist association Saudi Women Against Marginalization, which took to Twitter in June, launched this hashtag. Meanwhile, the issue of ending male guardianship over women in Saudi Arabia remains highly controversial.

Saudi women are not just calling for the end of male guardianship in marriage contracts or the transfer of guardianship from one abusive husband or oppressive father to another better man who could be a brother or uncle, like it was for women a few years ago in some Saudi courts.

In fact, women are calling for dropping all forms of supervision and control from brothers, fathers or grandfathers as guardianship limits women’s freedom and willpower.

Saudi blogger and writer Hams Sonosi is one of the main advocates of this cause. On Aug. 11, she tweeted that the campaign to end male guardianship has achieved huge success on social media, although it has not led to a change of laws. She asked Saudi women to hold on to this legal and social demand.


SEE ALSO: Human Rights Watch Report: Boxed In: Women and Saudi Arabia’s Male Guardianship System

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LIMA, 15 ago 2016 (IPS) - Con una multitudinaria marcha, bajo la consigna “Ni Una Menos”, la sociedad peruana se pronunció contra la violencia hacia las mujeres, en lo que representa una toma de conciencia colectiva en el tercer país en agresiones sexuales del mundo.

La manifestación en Lima el sábado 13, a la que acompañaron protestas en una decena de otras ciudades del país, surgió como rechazo a sentencias judiciales que han escandalizado por ser muy benignas con los agresores en casos de feminicidios, maltrato de varones contra sus parejas o exparejas y agresiones sexuales.

El caso que detonó la protesta fue el de Arlette Contreras, golpeada brutalmente en julio de 2015 por su entonces pareja en un hotel de la sureña ciudad de Ayacucho, Adriano Pozo, en una agresión registrada por las cámaras de un hotel.

Pese a ello, a Pozo, hijo de una autoridad política de la zona, se le sentenció a solo un año de prisión suspendida, por los cargos de feminicidio en grado de tentativa y violación, por los atenuantes de estar ebrio y actuar por celos. Un tribunal superior ratificó el fallo el mes pasado, en lo que el fiscal del caso calificó como “indignante”.

“Queremos justicia, queremos que esos hombres agresores, esos hombres violadores y asesinos vayan a la cárcel. Queremos que el Estado nos dé seguridad a nosotras, las víctimas”, comentó Contreras a IPS durante la marcha, cuyo recorrido encabezaron víctimas y familiares y que terminó ante el Palacio de Justicia.

Cifras de la Organización Mundial de la Salud y otros organismos indican que Perú es el segundo país de América Latina en asesinatos de mujeres por razón de género, además del tercero del mundo en violaciones, con la particularidad de que 42 por ciento de esas agresiones son en sus hogares y 90 por ciento de las denuncias quedan impunes.

“Basta ya”, “Fuera violadores”, “Poder Judicial, vergüenza nacional”, “Tocan a una, tocan a todas”, fueron algunas de las consignas más coreadas durante la marcha, en que participaron unas 100.000 personas según los organizadores de una protesta surgida desde las redes sociales y sin banderas partidistas, aunque el presidente Pedro Pablo Kuczynski y miembros de su gobierno concurrieron a la movilización.



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A group of demonstrators with black crosses, symbolising the victims of femicide in Peru and other countries of Latin America, march down a street in the centre of Lima during an Aug. 13 march against gender violence. Credit: Noemí Melgarejo/IPS

A group of demonstrators with black crosses, symbolising the victims of femicide in Peru and other countries of Latin America, march down a street in the centre of Lima during an Aug. 13 march against gender violence. Credit: Noemí Melgarejo/IPS

LIMA, Aug 16 2016 (IPS) - Peruvians took to the streets en masse to reject violence against women, in what was seen as a major new step in awareness-raising in the country that ranks third in the world in terms of domestic sexual violence.

The Saturday Aug. 13 march in Lima and simultaneous protests held in nearly a dozen other cities and towns around the country, includingCuzco, Arequipa and Libertad,was a reaction tolenient court sentences handed down in cases of femicide – defined as the violent and deliberate killing of a woman – rape and domestic violence.

The case that sparked the demonstrations was that of Arlette Contreras, who was beaten in July 2015 by her then boyfriendin the southern city of Ayacucho, Adriano Pozo, in an attack that was caught on hotel cameras.

“We want justice; we want the attackers, rapists and murderers to go to jail. We want the state to offer us, the victims, safety.” -- Arlette Contreras


Despite the evidence – the footage of the attack – Pozo, the son of a local politician, was merely given a one-year suspended sentence for rape and attempted femicide, because of “mitigating factors”: the fact that he was drunk and jealous. When a higher court upheld the sentence in July, the prosecutor described the decision as “outrageous”.

“We want justice; we want the attackers, rapists and murderers to go to jail. We want the state to offer us, the victims, safety,” Contreras told IPS during the march to the palace of justice in Lima, which was headed by victims and their families.

According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), Peru is in second place in Latin America in terms of gender-based killings, and in a multi-country study on sexual intimate partner violence, it ranked third.

“Enough!”, “The judiciary, a national disgrace”, “You touch one of us, you touch us all”were some of the chants repeated during the march, in which some 100,000 people took part according to the organisers of the protest, which emerged over the social networks and was not affiliated with any political party or movement, although President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and members of his government participated.



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The Center for Reproductive Rights (the Center) is the premier global legal organization dedicated to advancing women’s reproductive health, self-determination, and dignity.  Its mission is straightforward and ambitious: to advance reproductive health and rights as fundamental human rights that all governments around the world are legally obligated to protect, respect, and fulfill.  Headquartered in New York City, the Center has regional offices in Bogota, Geneva, Kathmandu, Nairobi, and Washington, DC and a staff of more than 130 diverse professionals.  Its annual operating budget is approximately $23 million, the result of an extraordinary growth trajectory; the Center is now poised for a new phase of significant expansion through its next Strategic Plan.

The Center’s game-changing litigation and advocacy work, combined with its unparalleled expertise in constitutional, comparative, and international human rights law, have transformed how reproductive rights are understood by courts, governments, and human rights bodies worldwide. It has played a key role in securing landmark legal victories in the U.S., Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Eastern Europe on issues including access to life-saving obstetrics care, contraception, safe abortion services, and comprehensive sexuality information, as well as the prevention of forced sterilization and child marriage.  It has brought groundbreaking cases before national courts, U.N. Committees, and regional human rights bodies, led the development of historic, proactive legislation advancing robust protections for reproductive rights, and has built the legal capacity of women’s rights advocates in more than 55 countries.

The Center seeks a Global Advocacy Adviser to support the work of the Global Advocacy team in the Global Legal Program and will report to the Director of Global Advocacy. The Global Advocacy Adviser will conceptualize and implement robust advocacy strategies to advance reproductive rights through UN bodies and human rights mechanisms in Geneva. Working under the supervision of the Director for Global Advocacy and in collaboration with program staff based in Geneva, New York, and across the globe, the Global Advocacy Adviser will advance advocacy initiatives to strengthen international human rights norms, draw greater attention to the status of women’s reproductive rights globally, and leverage UN mechanisms to push for law and policy reform globally.


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La síndica Susana Fuentes Rodríguez y la regidora Carolina Bahena Castillo en conferencia de prensa denuncian violencia de género | Especial

Por: Anayeli García Martínez

Cimacnoticias | Ciudad de México.- 08/08/2016En el ámbito político la violencia de género busca impedir la participación de las mujeres por el simple hecho de ser mujeres y con ello inhibir la incursión de más ciudadanas en espacios de poder, aseguran expertas.
Como ejemplo las denuncias de síndicas y regidoras de los municipios de Chamula, Reforma, Tecpatán, Amatenango del Valle, Oxchuc, San Cristóbal de las Casas y Las Rosas en Chiapas y de Amacuzac y Zacualpan de Amilpas, en Morelos, que aseguran ser agredidas y discriminadas por sus compañeros de partido.
Ante las denuncias públicas todavía hay quienes responden que tanto ellas como los varones enfrentan amenazas y agresiones por ejercer cargos públicos en gobiernos locales; sin embargo la profesora y experta en Ciencia Política de la Universidad de Rutgers, en Estados Unidos, Mona Lena Krook, argumenta que hay diferencias.
En una investigación al respecto expone que la violencia de género busca impedir la participación de las mujeres por ser mujeres. “Es mucho más que un problema criminal, puesto que pone retos muy grandes a la democracia, los Derechos Humanos y la igualdad de género”.


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The report called out Sonoma County Sheriff Steve Freitas’ office as “not accepting a fair and honest critique” of its current processes. It said Sonoma County officials threatened to leave the system and may not be suited for being the “node administrator,” or linchpin for network processes.

Part of the criticism was directed at a process in which the sergeant in charge, telecommunications bureau manager Dennis Smiley, entered 95 percent of the data himself and audited his own work, setting up a conflict and breach in the oversight framework.


“We concluded that if your older brother was a gang member and you walked down to the local 7-Eleven in a gang neighborhood, you would meet the criteria,” he said, “even though you had nothing to do with a gang.”

In one example, it said 42 individuals were listed in CalGang who were supposedly 1 year old at the time of entry. Twenty-eight of those people were entered for “admitting to being gang members,” the report said. 

Also, it said hundreds of people were kept in the database well beyond the five-year purge date. Others had purge dates mistakenly set more than 100 years in the future, the report said.

The report also found agencies did not implement a law requiring them to notify parents when a minor is listed in the database. Because of that, family members did not have a chance to challenge the listings, the report said



Shining Light on Sonoma County Sheriff’s Descent into Darkness and Mapping a Way Out

Letter to the Sonoma County Law Enforcement Task Force

Use of Police Body Cameras in Cases of Violence Against Women and Children

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If you needed to ask, this week you got your answers.

This week, two incidents played out in the news that seemed to confirm some of the worst fears about how America’s criminal justice system handles sexual assault. 

In one corner, the U.S. Department of Justice released a scathing report about the Baltimore Police Department that showed rampant problems with how sex crimes are handled in the city.

A day after that DOJ report dropped, a campus rapist from the University of Colorado-Boulder who was convicted of sexual assault in May received his sentence ― and it did not include any prison time. 


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Efforts to end female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) are a rising priority on many national and global agendas. Thus it is imperative to have a clear understanding of the scale and scope of the practice, andwhere it occurs, as well as the dynamics of change and the broader context surrounding it. This state-of-the-art synthesis offers a snapshot of the most recent data available as of July 2016 and the most relevant contextual information on key FGM/C issues in clear, non-technical language that can help inform policymakers,donors, programme planners, and other key stakeholders.Nationally representative data on the prevalence of FGM/C among girls and women ages 15-49 are availablefor 29 countries: Twenty-seven countries in Africa plus Yemen and Iraq. Fifteen of these countries show no clear evidence of progress, while in 14 countries, the practice appears to be declining. Two out of three affected women live in just four countries—Egypt, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Sudan.



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Female genital mutilation (FGM) traditional surgeon in Kapchorwa, Uganda speaking to a reporter. The women in this area are being trained by the civil society organisation REACH in how to educate people to stop the practice. Credit: Joshua Kyalimpa/IPS

JOHANNESBURG, Aug 6 2016 (IPS) - After years of wrangling and debates among African leaders, the movement to end female genital mutilation (FGM) is gaining real momentum, with a new action plan signed this week by Pan African Parliament (PAP) representatives and the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA) to end FGM as well as underage marriage.

The UNFPA has already trained over 100,000 health workers to deal specifically with aiding victims of FGM, while tens of thousands of traditional leaders have also signed pledges against the practice.

The agreement followed a PAP Women’s Caucus meeting with UNFPA representatives in Johannesburg on July 29-30.

Kicking off the meeting, PAP President Roger Dang said, “PAP is determined to help and be part of stakeholders to come up with solutions to this practice. This is in line with the mandate of PAP to defend and promote gender balance and people living with disability.”

The PAP is the legislative organ of the African Union, and has up to 250 members representing the 50 AU Member States.

In some African countries, girls as young as eleven and twelve are forced to marry much older men. This has led to an increase in serious health problems, including cervical cancer and a host of social problems.

UNFPA East and Southern Africa Deputy Regional Director Justine Coulson said if the current trend continues, the number of girls under 15 who had babies would rise by a million – from two to three million.

“If we do nothing, in the next decade over 14 million girls under 18 years will be married every year,” she said.


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Madrid, 28 de julio. 16. AmecoPress. La propia complejidad y variedad del fenómeno de la trata –del delito, de la brutal vulneración de los derechos humanos-, impide que se pueda informar de ella con claridad. Naciones Unidas estima que 2,5 millones de personas "están atrapadas en las redes de la esclavitud moderna" y distintas fuentes apuntan que la trata constituye uno de los grandes negocios ilícitos que más dinero genera, sólo por detrás del tráfico de armas. Pero en el ’Día Mundial contra la Trata de Personas’ que el organismo internacional fijó en 2014 en el 30 de julio, diferentes instituciones y ONGs alertan de la falta de protección de los gobiernos hacia las víctimas de esta práctica.


“Todos los países deben aunar esfuerzos para superar esta amenaza transnacional apoyando y protegiendo a las víctimas sin dejar de perseguir y enjuiciar a los delincuentes”, afirma Gema Fernández Rodríguez de Liévana, de Women’s Link, una organización que enfoca su trabajo en el área de la trata a la detección de las múltiples formas de discriminación a las que se enfrentan las mujeres y niñas y cómo esta discriminación crea obstáculos en su acceso a la justicia y a recursos adecuados.

El litigio de Women’s Link de varios casos en España llevó al desarrollo de un protocolo que otorga a las víctimas de trata el derecho a un periodo de tiempo mínimo para empezar a recuperarse de la experiencia vivida y evaluar sus opciones legales. Este derecho también detiene el proceso de deportación y permite que las mujeres y niñas mantengan una distancia segura de sus tratantes y accedan a servicios básicos, como atención en salud.


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Three lawsuits accuse the Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights, led by Catherine Lhamon, pictured above, of inappropriately telling schools to use the preponderance of evidence standard in college sexual assault cases.

A group of more than 90 law professors from at least three dozen different universities signed onto a white paper, to be released Sunday, defending the U.S. Department of Education’s guidance on how colleges should handle sexual assault cases.

Specifically, the law professors focus on how much proof is needed to determine whether a student accused of sexual assault is guilty in the eyes of their college or university. 

“Dear Colleague” letter released by the Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights in April 2011 was considered a wake-up call for schools to honor their obligation to handle sexual violence involving students under the gender equity law Title IX.

However, some groups have said a portion of the letter ― which told schools to use the “preponderance of evidence” standard in adjudicating sexual assault allegations as code of conduct violations ― amounted to issuing new regulations without going through a legally required process. It’s currently the subject of three federal lawsuits against the Education Department

The preponderance standard essentially means an accused person can be found guilty if the adjudicator or panel believes there’s a 51 percent chance the allegations against the individual are true. In other words, a jury would rule based on whose side they believe more.

“The national debate over campus sexual assault often deals with pretty deep and complicated legal issues, even for lawyers,” said Nancy Chi Cantalupo, a Barry University School of Law professor who organized the white paper.

“I wanted to help provide a resource to the public about one of those deep and complicated issues, to put the issue in the context of Title IX’s legal history and of our legal system as a whole,” Cantalupo said. “Many people seem to think of the law as just one kind of law: the criminal law, but there are many other kinds of law, including civil rights law.”

The preponderance standard is used in civil lawsuits. In criminal courts, there’s a higher standard to establish someone’s guilt: “proof beyond a reasonable doubt,” meaning there’s hardly any chance the accused person isn’t guilty. 





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(Photo: David McNew/Getty Images)

Many Bay Area agencies have made fighting sex trafficking a top priority in recent years. But the Oakland Police Department’s sexual misconduct scandal involving several officers and an underage sex worker has raised concerns over law enforcement’s ability to effectively enforce trafficking. In the wake of this scandal at the Oakland Police Department, we’ll take a look at the state of sex trafficking in the Bay Area and talk with some local experts about the latest efforts to combat it.

Nancy O'Malley, district attorney, Alameda County
Kate Walker Brown, attorney, National Center for Youth Law
Adela Rodart, assistant program director, Westcoast Children's Clinic
La Toya Gix, human trafficking survivor; advocate, Alameda County's District Attorney office


Related Links:


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A protest in New Delhi following the savage gang rape of a 23 year old woman in December 2012 which shocked the entire country. Photo by NARINDER NANU/AFP/Getty Images

NEW DELHI, India, Jul 27 2016 (IPS) - India, a country best-known for its rising economic might, is the worst place to be a woman.

On Sunday, 25 July 2016, an Israeli woman was gang raped in Manali, India.

The incident is a gruesome reminder of the uncomfortable truth that India is not prepared to deal with the deluge of crimes perpetrated against women daily – a woman is raped every 22 minutes.

Consider this. Reports emerged this month that a young woman was gang-raped by the same men who had raped her three years earlier in Rohtak, Haryana in North India. Frankly law enforcement authorities should be ashamed of themselves. That the criminals were free all along and had the temerity to repeat the crime on the same victim can only point to the abysmal failure by Indian law enforcers to deal with rape crimes.

Clearly, the attackers’ decision to track the victim and repeat the crime was meant to thumb their noses at her family and authorities, fully aware that they would get away with it again.

There have been other equally disturbing cases. A mother and daughter in Kerala whose complaints of stalking were disregarded by police until the daughter was raped, mutilated and murdered. Or the father whose pleas for investigation into his teenage daughters’ disappearance were ignored by police only for the girls to be found hanging from trees after being gang-raped.


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Representantes de la Subcomisión de Género de la Mesa de los Diálogos de Paz de Colombia rodean a la representante especial de la ONU sobre la Violencia Sexual en los Conflictos, Zainab Hawa Bangura (en el centro a la izquierda), y a la directora ejecutiva de ONU Mujeres, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, durante la presentación de los primeros resultados de la inédita iniciativa, el 23 de julio en La Habana, Cuba. Crédito: Karina Terán/ONU Mujeres

LA HABANA, 27 jul 2016 (IPS) - Los avances e inéditos mecanismos que incorporaron el enfoque de género en el proceso de paz de Colombia, constituyen un hito y una inspiración para la solución de otros conflictos en el mundo, a juicio de la directora de ONU Mujeres en ese país, Belén Sanz.

En declaraciones a IPS, la especialista consideró algo “innovador y pionero” la incorporación en septiembre de 2014 de la Subcomisión de Género, dentro de la Mesa de los Diálogos de Paz entre el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), que acoge la capital cubana desde noviembre de 2012.

Sanz resaltó que el alto porcentaje de mujeres que han intercambiado con los integrantes de la mesa de diálogo, en los foros regionales y nacionales y en las visitas de víctimas y expertas en género a La Habana, demuestran la creciente voluntad de las partes por incorporar las propuestas de género en los acuerdos finales y en su implementación.

Los resultados de la labor realizada por esa subcomisión, conformada por representantes de las dos partes, se dieron a conocer en La Habana, en un acto especial el  sábado 23, exactamente un mes después de que se celebrará aquí el histórico acuerdo del cese el fuego bilateral y definitivo entre los contendientes por más de medio siglo.


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Title:  Creating a Plan To Test a Large Number of Sexual Assault Kits
Annotation:  Based on lessons learned from a NIJ (National Institute of Justice) -funded project in Detroit, MI, this report offers recommendations that guide the development of a plan for testing a large number of previously untested sexual assault kits (SAKs).

First, form a multidisciplinary team to plan and implement an audit of previously untested SAKs. The team should include representatives from the police, prosecution, forensic sciences, medicine, and systems-based and community-based victim advocacy. Second, explore each team member’s thoughts about the purpose and value of SAK testing. Third, discuss whether to test all or only some of the previously untested SAKs, which may be determined by the resources available. Suggestions are offered on the use of grants and fund-raising. Other recommendations for testing a large number of SAKs pertain to the selection of terms used to describe the process to be undertaken, the development of a process for selecting which SAKs will be tested, use of the State statute of limitations as a criterion for selecting the SAKs to be tested, and budgeting sufficient time and resources for selecting the SAKs to be tested. Recommendations also concern budgeting extra time for older SAKs, tracking and sharing testing results, a plan for what happens after testing is completed, the review of local policies and State statutes regarding evidence retention, and determining whether legislative changes are needed to resolve backlogs of untested SAKs. Resources with additional information on this issue are listed.



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It’s about damn time.

"When there are no ceilings the sky is the limit." So glad my granddaughters are watching Hillary Clinton tonight!

Watching my 93 year old grandmother, a lifetime feminist and activist, cry at @HillaryClinton speaking.


“Tonight, we’ve reached a milestone in our nation’s march toward a more perfect union: the first time that a major party has nominated a woman for president,” Clinton said Thursday night. “Standing here as my mother’s daughter, and my daughter’s mother, I’m so happy this day has come. I’m happy for grandmothers and little girls and everyone in between. I’m happy for boys and men, too – because when any barrier falls in America, it clears the way for everyone.”

“After all, when there are no ceilings, the sky’s the limit,” she added. “So let’s keep going, until every one of the 161 million women and girls across America has the opportunity she deserves to have. But even more important than the history we make tonight, is the history we will write together in the years ahead”


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8.  Youth Involvement in the Sex Trade: A National Study
  NCJ Number:  249952
  Author:  Rachel Swaner ; Melissa Labriola ; Michael Rempel ; Allyson Walker ; Joseph Spadafore
  Publication Date:  06/2016
  Abstract   PDF   Find in a Library
9.  Experiences of Youth in the Sex Trade in Atlantic City
  NCJ Number:  249953
  Author:  Anthony Marcus ; Robert Riggs ; Sarah Rivera ; Ric Curtis
  Publication Date:  06/2016
  Abstract   PDF   Find in a Library
10.  Experiences of Youth in the Sex Trade in Chicago: Issues in Youth Poverty and Homelessness
  NCJ Number:  249954
  Author:  Laurie Schaffner ; Grant Buhr ; Deana Lewis ; Marco Roc ; Haley Volpintesta
  Publication Date:  06/2016
  Abstract   PDF   Find in a Library
11.  Experiences of Youth in the Sex Trade in North Texas: Shattered Lives
  NCJ Number:  249955
  Author:  Marcus Martin ; Heather Champeau ; Susan Ullrich ; Aja Johnson ; Kathryn Cardarelli
  Publication Date:  06/2016
  Abstract   PDF   Find in a Library
12.  Experiences of Youth in the Sex Trade in Las Vegas
  NCJ Number:  249956
  Author:  Brooke M. Wagner ; Jennifer M. Whitmer ; Andrew L. Spivak
  Publication Date:  06/2016
  Abstract   PDF   Find in a Library
13.  Experiences of Youth in the Sex Trade in Miami
  NCJ Number:  249957
  Author:  David J. Maurrasse ; Cynthia C. Jones
  Publication Date:  06/2016
  Abstract   PDF   Find in a Library
14.  Experiences of Youth in the Sex Trade in the Bay Area
  NCJ Number:  249958
  Author:  Nikki Jones ; Joshua Gamson ; Brianne Amato ; Stephanie Cornwell ; Stephanie Fisher ; Phillip Fucella ; Vincent Lee ; Virgie Zolala-Tovar
  Publication Date:  06/2016
  Abstract   PDF   Find in a Library

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In what is the first significant shift to the party line on abortion in decades, Democrats will approve a platform at theDemocratic national convention in Philadelphia that explicitly calls for elected officials to overturn Hyde.

But in a sharp departure from how abortion issues normally percolate, the loudest calls for the repeal of Hyde did not originate with groups such as Planned Parenthood or Naral Pro-Choice America – groups that have set the agenda for abortion rights supporters for decades. Instead, the calls originated with groups such as the National Asian Pacific American Women’s Forum, the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health and SisterSong.

“Women of color leaders have been calling for the repeal of Hyde for decades when most mainstream reproductive rights groups did not prioritize this issue,” said Jessica González-Rojas, director of the National Latina Institute and an All Above All co-chair.

The result is a movement that overtly fuses one of the modern Democratic party’s most established positions – support for abortion rights – with the interests of the activists who increasingly represent the demographic future of the party.

The target is substantial. Hyde is one of the biggest barriers to abortion left standing, after the supreme court in June struck down health restrictions with no basis in evidence.

It is not a law, but a rider that has been attached to every one of Congress’ annual appropriations bills since 1976, when it was first introduced by the congressman Henry Hyde of Illinois. Today, the amendment prevents abortion coverage for some seven million women, about half of whom live below the federal poverty line. The only exceptions to the ban are when a woman’s health or life is in danger or the pregnancy is the result of rape.

“I would argue that it’s the harshest abortion restriction still on the books today,” said Destiny Lopez, who is co-director of All Above All, a network of reproductive rights advocates that is leading the first serious push to repeal the Hyde amendment in decades.

An All Above All letter addressed to the Democratic platform drafting committee read, “Coverage bans represent a deeply entrenched injustice, where issues of economic injustice, racism, and gender inequity come together.”


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OAKLAND, Calif. ― The city council here has tightened regulations around pregnancy clinics that try to fool prospective patients with advertisements falsely suggesting that they perform abortions. 

The ordinance, passed last week, makes Oakland the second U.S. city to target advertising by so-called crisis pregnancy centers that mask an anti-abortion agenda, according to organizations promoting abortion rights. San Francisco passed a similar ordinance in 2011.

Some such clinics have used billboards and online ads to trick women into thinking that they perform abortions or offer other emergency contraceptive care, according to Amy Everitt, NARAL Pro-Choice California director. She said she’s troubled that searching Google for information about abortions in Oakland brings up results for nearby centers that don’t provide the service.


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La violencia machista ya puso en apuros a un cantante mexicano, detenido por "apología al delito", pero, ¿qué refleja la estética de industria musical latinoamericana signada por géneros como el reggaetón?

Madrid, 21 jul. 16. AmecoPress/RT.- Un videoclip causó la detención y multa al cantante mexicano Gerardo Ortiz, acusado de "apología al delito" por las escenas de asesinato y tortura a la actriz que finge ser su pareja.

El episodio sienta un precedente en un país como México que en 2013, según las cifras del Instituto Nacional de la Mujer, tuvo una tasa de siete feminicidios al día por razones de género. Sin embargo, Ortiz no es el primero ni el último que, con su música, violenta a las féminas: En Latinoamérica, ese mismo mensaje toma forma de baile pegajoso, de ritmo irresistible que no se baila, se "perrea".


Se trata del reggaetón

Un rápido vistazo a la red dice que la etimología de la palabra viene del reggae jamaiquino y el sufijo "tón", que desde el Río Grande hasta la Patagonia, alude a algo grande. Así, el género se ha vuelto una pandemia que contagia caderas y cualquier extremidad con un ritmo entre 90 y 120 pulsaciones por minuto, ideal para que los ejecutantes desplieguen sus instintos más atávicos.

"Si sigues con esa actitud voy a violarte", dice una de las tantas letras del reggaetón, infaltable en casi cualquier fiesta, discoteca o jornada de limpieza dominical en las viviendas latinoamericanas, lo que hace que muchos se cuestionen el por qué del triunfo de un género que puso de moda el "blimbineo latino".


Más realidad que ficción

"El reggaetón es absolutamente pegajoso", reconoce Marianny Sánchez, investigadora del grupo Espacialidades Feministas de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Colombia, "y triunfa porque no muestra nada nuevo, nada que no exista. Toma un fenómeno social que es el machismo y le da forma de música, de entretenimiento, de producto que la gente consume y aplaude sin postura crítica".

Para la profesora universitaria, el reggeaeton sólo le pone ritmo a la violencia cotidiana que viven millones de mujeres en la región y exalta "una manera de vinculación" común en el imaginario latinoamericano, que también implica la cosificación del cuerpo femenino: "No defiendo esa narrativa pero sé que lo que aparece en un video o lo que dicen muchas letras ocurre en la vida real. No hay una escisión con la ficción".

¿Beat feminista?






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Gender & Development Special Issue on Violence Against Women & Girls

Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a central concern for development, both from a human rights perspective, and from the point of view of the economic and social costs that VAWG represents.  The scale of VAWG is shocking; the World Health Organization estimates one in three women will directly experience either or both of two forms of VAWG: intimate partner violence, or sexual violence from a non-partner. Authors in this issue of Gender & Development describe, analyse and assess a range of approaches to VAWG, and strategies aiming to end or minimise this human rights abuse, which blights the lives of women, families, and societies across the globe. 

If you would like information on subscribing to the journal, with access to all G&D content, visit the Routledge/Taylor & Francis website http://www.tandfonline.com/gad

Read Caroline Sweetman’s blog on the new issue
One in three women suffers violence, but it’s everyone’s problem

Journal Contents

Introduction to Gender, Development, and Violence Against Women and Girls Christine Hughes, Caroline Marrs and Caroline Sweetman


High-risk feminism in El Salvador: women’s mobilisation in violent times

Julia Zulver

Grassroots responses to violence against women and girls in post-earthquake Nepal: lessons from

the field

Kay Standing, Sara Parker and Sapana Bista

Faith paths to overcome violence against women and girls in Brazil

Sarah de Roure and Chiara Capraro

‘Two months of marriage were sufficient to turn my life upside down’: early marriage as a form of

gender-based violence

Souad Belhorma

Shifting negative social norms rooted in unequal gender and power relationships to prevent

violence against women and girls

Laura Haylock, Rukia Cornelius, Anthony Malunga and Kwezilomso Mbandazayo

Building capacity for a disability-inclusive response to violence against women and girls:

experiences from the W-DARE project in the Philippines

Cathy Vaughan, Alexandra Devine, Raquel Ignacio, Wanet Lacsamana, Ma. Jesusa Marco, Jerome Zayas

and Carolyn Sobritchea

The Communities Care programme: changing social norms to end violence against women and girls

in conflict-affected communities

Sophie Read-Hamilton and Mendy Marsh

Feminist mobilisation for policy change on violence against women: insights from Asia

Paola Cagna and Nitya Rao

Unintended complicities: preventing violence against women in South Africa

Lisa Vetten 

Resources Compiled by Liz Cooke

Violence Against Women and Girls – Resources List

Book Reviews Edited by Liz Cooke

Gender, Development and Globalization: Economics As If All People Mattered (Second Edition)

Masculinities in the Making: From the Local to the Global

Women, Gender, Remittances and Development in the Global South

For more information on Gender & Development visit www.genderanddevelopment.org , 

or follow us on Twitter https://twitter.com/GaDjournal

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Una madre adolescente en el municipio rural de Bonpland, en la norteña provincia argentina de Misiones. América Latina es la segunda región del mundo en fecundidad temprana, detrás de África subsahariana. Crédito: Fabiana Frayssinet/IPS

BUENOS AIRES, 7 jul 2016 (IPS) - En un lenguaje directo, un video argentino explica a los adolescentes como vivir el sexo con placer y al mismo tiempo con cuidado. Una campaña sin tabúes, muy necesaria en los países de América Latina donde una de cada cinco mujeres son madres antes de los 19 años.

“Para que el sexo funcione bien, las dos personas tienen que tener ganas y eso significa tanto estar seguro de querer hacerlo, como de estar de humor, osea estar calientes”, dice la psicóloga Cecilia Saia, autora del video “Hablemos de sexo”, divulgado en redes sociales y destinado a adolescentes y preadolescentes.

La pieza, producida por la Fundación para Estudio e Investigación de la Mujer (FEIM), integró la campaña “Hacéte el Test de No-Embarazo” y fue también distribuido a adolescentes, para que “sepan cómo tomar decisiones libres e informadas acerca de ser madres y padres”.

"Mantener los niñas y niños en el sistema educativo o reinsertarlos, sería una intervención efectiva para la prevención del embarazo adolescente. Asimismo, generar condiciones en el sistema educativo para asegurar la continuidad educativa de las adolescentes madres o embarazadas": Alma Virginia Camacho-Hübner. 

Durante la campaña se entregó a los y las adolescentes una caja, similar a las de los test de embarazo, con información sobre el embarazo en la adolescencia y los mitos sobre cómo sucede, así como un preservativo y una explicación de cómo usarlo, detalló a IPS la presidenta de FEIM, Mabel Blanco.

La campaña se difundió por Youtube y otras redes sociales, con mensajes directos y el lenguaje propio de los adolescentes. “Esto permitió llegar a un gran grupo de adolescentes de 14 a 18 años grupo al que habitualmente es difícil llegar en campañas de este tipo”, subrayó.

Según FEIM, en Argentina diariamente nacen 300 niños de una madre menor de 19 años, equivalente a 15 por ciento de todos los nacimientos.

“Este porcentaje muestra una tendencia ascendente sostenida a lo largo de los últimos 10-15 años y además aumentaron los de menores de 15 años, osea niñas”, lamentó.

El caso argentino es un ejemplo de los que sucede en el resto de América Latina, la segunda región del mundo en tasa de fecundidad en adolescentes después de África subsahariana, con 76 hijos vivos por cada 1.000 mujeres entre 15 y 19 años, según datos de agencias de las Naciones Unidas.


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This story is tragically familiar. In the past few years, many of the men who have committed horrific, unthinkable acts of violence against the public have had a history of abusing the women in their lives. Prior to unleashing their deranged violence onto the world, it appears they practiced it against the most vulnerable and accessible targets ― those living inside their homes.


Before Micah Johnson gunned down five Dallas police officers, in the deadliest attack against law enforcement officers in the U.S. since Sept. 11, 2001, he was accused of sexually harassing a female soldier, who asked that Johnson receive mental help and for a protective order against him.


Before Omar Mateen opened fire in a popular gay nightclub in Orlando, Florida, and committed the deadliest mass shooting in modern U.S. history, he beat his wife.


Before Robert Dear shot to death three strangers in a Planned Parenthood in Colorado Springs last fall, he allegedly abused his wives, was charged with rape and arrested under a “Peeping Tom” law.


Before Tamerlan Tsarnaev planted bombs at the Boston Marathon with his brother in 2013, killing three people and injuring more than 260 others, he was arrested for assaulting his girlfriend.


Before Cedric Ford stormed through multiple Kansas townships with an assault weapon and a pistol, killing three and injuring 14, he’d just been served with a restraining order stemming from a domestic violence complaint filed by his ex-girlfriend. In her request for the order, his ex-girlfriend wrote that it was her belief that he was “in desperate need of medical and psychological help.”


Before gunman Man Haron Monis seized hostages in a cafe in Sydney, he was released on bail after being charged as an accessory to the murder of his ex-wife.

And so on.


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A new journal, Feminist Dissent, aims to create a space to interrogate the multi-faceted links between historical and resurgent religious fundamentalism and gender.

Seasons of Mud by Yousif Naser. Photo: Yousif Naser


In the last two decades there has been an exponential growth not only in fundamentalist movements around the world, but also in systematic research and debate about the scope, strategies and impacts of fundamentalist mobilisations. The power of faith-based organisations, among which fundamentalist tendencies have found fertile ground, has also been enhanced through their ability to work on multiple levels - through international, nation state, and oppositional or civil society spaces - to their own advantage.

The new journal, Feminist Dissent, which is hosted by the University of Warwick, brings together innovative and critical insights to enhance our understanding of the relationship between gender, fundamentalism and related socio-political issues. At a time of rising religious fundamentalism which is accompanied by intensifying threats to civil liberties, freedom of expression, dissent, and difference, we aim to create what we believe we need most – a space where contributors can say the things that we have not been able to say. We hope this will narrow the distance between dominant feminist thinking and lived experience, and give rise to new coalitions of feminists committed not just to writing about justice, but to fighting for it.


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