Womens Justice Center

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


End Family Detention

Since last summer, hundreds of mothers and children have been locked up in immigrant detention facilities after they came seeking safety in the U.S. Most of these women and children are asylum seekers fleeing extreme violence in their home countries, and instead of finding the protection they need, they're being incarcerated. 
Detaining mothers and children punishes families fleeing for their lives, needlessly puts them in harm's way and violates their human rights. 
Last year President Obama reversed course after terminating large-scale family detention in 2009 amidst a firestorm of human rights abuses. Today women and children, including babies and toddlers, are being locked up in two new privately run facilities in Texas, and in an expanded facility in Berks County, Pennsylvania.
Stand up for the rights of women and children. Sign the petition, and tell Director Saldaña of Immigration and Customs Enforcement to end family detention now!
Detention Watch Network
The Detention Watch Network works through the collective strength and diversity of its members to expose and challenge the injustices of the U.S. immigration detention and deportation system and advocate for profound change that promotes the rights and dignity of all persons.

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La violencia contra la mujer es una forma de discriminación y una
violación de los derechos humanos. Causa sufrimientos indecibles, cercena
vidas y deja a incontables mujeres viviendo con dolor y temor en todos los
países del mundo. Causa perjuicio a las familias durante generaciones,
empobrece a las comunidades y refuerza otras formas de violencia en las
sociedades. La violencia contra la mujer les impide alcanzar su plena realización
personal, restringe el crecimiento económico y obstaculiza el
desarrollo. La generalización y el alcance de la violencia contra la mujer
ponen de manifiesto el grado y la persistencia de la discriminación con que
siguen tropezando las mujeres. Por consiguiente, sólo se puede eliminar
tratando de eliminar la discriminación, promoviendo la igualdad y el
empoderamiento de la mujer y velando por el pleno ejercicio de los derechos
humanos de la mujer.
Toda la humanidad saldría beneficiada si se pusiera fin a este tipo
de violencia, ya que se han logrado grandes progresos en la creación del
marco internacional para lograrlo. Sin embargo, han surgido nuevas formas
de violencia y, en algunos países, se ha producido un retroceso en los
avances hacia la igualdad y la ausencia de violencia que había logrado ya
la mujer o están en una situación precaria. El predominio constante de la
violencia contra la mujer es una demostración de que los Estados todavía
no han encarado el problema del compromiso político, la visibilidad y los
recursos necesarios.


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Yesterday May 7 the Women’s Court on war crimes against women during the war in the 1990ies formally started in Sarajevo, Bosnia.
Women have come together from all the corners of the former-Yugoslavia to participate in the Women’s Court in Sarajevo, to demand justice for the crimes committed against them during the wars and the enduring inequalities and suffering that followed. 

The impressive composition of the organisational committee speaks for the unity and solidarity of women across the national divides that came with the partition of the former Yugoslavia : from Bosnia & Herzegovina: Mothers of the Enclaves of Srebrenica and Zepa, ; Women’s Forum (www.forumzena.org), Foundation CURE (www.fondacijacure.org); from Croatia: Centre for Women’s Studies (www.zenstud.hr), Centre for Women War Victims - ROSA (www.czzzr.hr); from Kosovo: Kosovo Women’s Network (www.womensnetwork.org); from Macedonia: National Council for Gender Equality (www.sozm.org.mk); from Montenegro: Anima (www.animakotor.org); from Slovenia: Women’s Lobby Slovenia (www.zls.si); from Serbia: Women’s Studies (www.zenskestudie.edu.rs), Women in Black (www.zeneucrnom.org)

This, in and by itself, is a huge achievement, at a time when Europe is plagued with the rise of nationalisms, of extreme right forces that divide peoples along ethnic and religious lines ; at a time when attempts are made to homogenize nations and to exclude minorities and diversity ; at a time when even citizens of one country are further separated by the construction of antagonistic ‘communities’. 


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by Vanessa Pérez

In the early morning hours of July 5, 1953, two New York City police officers spotted a figure on the ground near the corner of Fifth Avenue and 106th Street in East Harlem. As they approached, they saw the body of a woman with bronze-colored skin. Once a towering woman at five feet, ten inches, she now lay in the street, unconscious. They rushed her to Harlem Hospital, where she died shortly thereafter. The woman carried no handbag and had no identification on her. No one came to the morgue to claim her body. No missing person’s case fit her description. She was buried in the city’s Potter’s Field. One month later, the woman was identified as award-winning Puerto Rican poet Julia de Burgos. Her family and friends exhumed and repatriated her body.

When I began writing about Julia de Burgos, I hesitated to mention her notorious death, seeking to move away from the narratives of victimhood that have shrouded her life for more than half a century. I wanted to focus on her poetry, her activism for women’s rights, social justice and the independence of Puerto Rico, and her legacy. Most Puerto Ricans already know her story, and many both on the island and in New York have been captivated by her life. However, I soon realized the importance of recounting even the most difficult details as I introduced her to new audiences. Her migration experience and her death on the streets of New York capture the imaginations of readers everywhere. Becoming Julia de Burgos builds on recent approaches to her work that focus on movement, flow, and migration. This book proposes a new way of reading Burgos’s work, life, and legacy, focusing on the escape routes she created in her poetry to write herself out of the rigid confines of gender and cultural nationalism.



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One in three teenagers report being sexually harassed at work, according to a recent survey.

A study polled 518 teens in 2008 and 2009 and found that one-third said they had experienced a type of sexual harassment. But even that figure likely masks the real number, Laura Gunderson reports at The Oregonian, as many probably don’t report the abuse. Nationally, as few as 5 percent of adults will file a complaint, and researchers say younger workers are even less likely to do so. As Gunderson writes, they often “don’t realize the graphic comments and unwanted touching they may have tolerated in school constitutes sexual harassment at work,” and of those who realize something is wrong, “many are too scared, embarrassed, or in need of a paycheck to speak up.”


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  • Hardcover: 336 pages
  • Publisher: Oxford University Press; 1 edition (May 13, 2015)
  • "It's all too easy for Americans to imagine that protest targeting abortion workers has died down in recent years. David Cohen and Krysten Connon's Living in the Crosshairs offers a bracing corrective to that misimpression, with this deep dive into the daily lives of abortion providers -- from bulletproof vests to online stalking. Living in the Crosshairs affords us a look at the legal framework that protects providers from such targeted harassment and imagines the reforms needed to do so more effectively. For anyone wondering why reproductive freedom is on the decline in America, this book moves the conversation from vague abstraction to the vitally concrete." -Dahlia Lithwick, Slate.com

"In this compelling and important book, Cohen and Connon show beyond a doubt that the harassment of abortion providers is ongoing, pervasive, serious -- and often unpunished. It's time to call it by its rightful name: terrorism." -Katha Pollitt, author of Pro: Reclaiming Abortion Rights

"Cohen and Connon have written a terrific, though chilling book describing how abortion providers are harassed and terrorized. Relying on in-depth interviews, they offer an unprecedented description of what those who provide reproductive health services must endure. Their proposals for legal reform should be an agenda for action and legislatures across the country." -Erwin Chemerinsky, founding Dean and Distinguished Professor of Law, and Raymond Pryke Professor of First Amendment Law, the University of California, Irvine School of Law

"Living in the Crosshairs is an extremely important addition to the literature on abortion in the United States. For those readers unfamiliar with the day-to-day realities of abortion provision, this book will be a true eye-opener, as the authors detail the unacceptable, often harrowing, situations that abortion providers have long endured at the hands of their opponents, and continue to do so to this day. Most valuably, the book outlines the necessary legal and social reforms to address this violence and terrorism. A must-read for those who care about the future of abortion availability in this country." -Carole Joffe, Professor, Bixby Center for Global Reproductive Health, University of California, San Francisco; author, Dispatches from the Abortion Wars: The Costs of Fanaticism to Doctors, Patients, and the Rest of Us

"Living in the Crosshairs gives statistics a human face often missing in media coverage as it details the real, day-to-day experiences of abortion providers in this country. In addition to bringing to light stories of harassment, Crosshairs also calls for reforms in the legal system, making it an absolute must-read for anyone in media and/or reproductive rights advocacy." -RH Reality Check

"...a gripping, well-researched and maddening book, and while it is not the first or only text to highlight the abuse foisted on providers, it offers a clear list of common-sense recommendations for improving staff and patient safety." -Truthout

About the Authors

David S. Cohen is a law professor at Drexel University Thomas R. Kline School of Law, where he teaches constitutional law and gender and the law. Prior to teaching, Cohen was a staff attorney at the Women's Law Project in Philadelphia and litigated cases involving abortion clinic safety, reproductive rights, Title IX, and LGBT family law.

Krysten Connon is a 2012 graduate of the Drexel University School of Law. Following law school, Connon worked as a federal judicial law clerk. She is currently an attorney in private practice in Philadelphia.

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GRACIAS to all who have been proactive 
in eliminating language barriers for Latin@ survivors!
According to the U.S. Census Bureau only Mexico, with a population of 120 million has a larger Latin@/Hispanic population than the United States, with 54 million. Sexual assault, domestic violence, or dual coalitions receive federal funds to provide training, technical assistance, and support victim advocacy and prevention efforts throughout their respective states. While 18 state coalitions added an 'Español' tab with content between 2010 and December 2014, Spanish-speaking population size did not seem to be a determinant factor. Of all the coalition websites for border states home to 27,922,000 (52% of all) U.S. Latin@s, only TAASA includes a couple of words in Spanish via a visible website tab. Some state coalitions serving states with millions of Latin@s either did not include web content in Spanish or actually removed it, other coalitions with far smaller English Language Learner (ELL) populations like the Maine Coalition Against Sexual Assault (Latin@ population = 18,608) chose to be proactive. The amount of content included in Spanish varied from a couple of sentences or a PDF document regarding local agency services, to significant information about victim rights and campaigns. The lack of web content and statewide training in Spanish often correlates with the lack of full-time bilingual Latin@ coalition staff.
The importance of the work of bilingual/bicultural victim advocates cannot be overemphasized, especially considering the multiple needs of states like the following with the fastest growing Latin@ populations. (% change 2000 - 2011) Alabama (158%) South Carolina (154%) Tennessee (154%) Kentucky (132%) South Dakota (129%) Arkansas (123%) North Carolina (120%) Mississippi (117%) Maryland (112%) Georgia (103%)
For over a decade, Arte Sana and ALAS have been advocating for more Spanish-speaking victim advocates and services. In 2010, ALAS members voted on a recommended minimum number of words in Spanish that should be included on state coalition and agency websites (1,000). State coalition shading included on the above map falls within a range of 350 words or more. While new campaigns may be planned to build awareness among Latin@s, until sufficient Spanish language victim services and information is recognized as a need and not an option, millions of Latin@s will continue to suffer systemic re-victimization.                                                    
GRACIAS to all state coalitions that have chosen to be proactive and inclusive!!



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A passionate manifesto decrying misogyny in the Arab world, by an Egyptian American journalist and activist

When the Egyptian journalist Mona Eltahawy published an article in Foreign Policy magazine in 2012 titled "Why Do They Hate Us?" it provoked a firestorm of controversy. The response it generated, with more than four thousand posts on the website, broke all records for the magazine, prompted dozens of follow-up interviews on radio and television, and made it clear that misogyny in the Arab world is an explosive issue, one that engages and often enrages the public.
In Headscarves and Hymens, Eltahawy takes her argument further. Drawing on her years as a campaigner and commentator on women's issues in the Middle East, she explains that since the Arab Spring began, women in the Arab world have had two revolutions to undertake: one fought with men against oppressive regimes, and another fought against an entire political and economic system that treats women in countries from Yemen and Saudi Arabia to Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya as second-class citizens.
Eltahawy has traveled across the Middle East and North Africa, meeting with women and listening to their stories. Her book is a plea for outrage and action on their behalf, confronting the "toxic mix of culture and religion that few seem willing or able to disentangle lest they blaspheme or offend." A manifesto motivated by hope and fury in equal measure, Headscarves and Hymens is as illuminating as it is incendiary.


  • Hardcover: 256 pages
  • Publisher: Farrar, Straus and Giroux (April 21, 2015)
  • Language: English

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Five months after the Senate Intelligence Committee released its gruesome report on the CIA’s post-9/11 torture program, someone is finally paying steep professional consequences. Except it’s not the former torturers. Or their superiors. Or even the CIA officials who improperly searched the computers that Senate investigators used to construct the study.

It’s the person who helped expose them.

Alissa Starzak, a former Democratic majority staffer on the Senate Intelligence Committee, played a critical and controversial role during her time on the panel: She was a lead investigator for the torture report, and was one of two staffers involved in an ongoing feud over damning internal CIA documents obtained by the committee.

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United Nations Peacekeeping is actively looking for “qualified senior women” to join their staff:

We are looking for senior qualified women with proven leadership skills, integrity, and commitment to the ideals of the UN Charter to create a ‘talent pipeline’ of Directors in UN Peacekeeping and Special Political Missions.

We seek seasoned managers who have worked in the areas of conflict management, governance, political analysis, media/strategic communication, law, amongst others, to compete for senior positions in our field missions. These roles are mostly at non-duty family stations in conflict or post conflict settings, at the D-1 and D-2 levels in the areas of:

  • Political/Civil Affairs
  • Public Information and Communication
  • Rule of Law and Security Institutions

Who is eligible?

Women with an advanced level university degree, with at least 15 years of relevant professional work experience in one of the areas listed above, and fluent in English and/or French and Arabic. French and Arabic speakers are highly sought because many of our field missions are in countries where these are the primary working languages. You do not need to have prior UN experience. We have asked Member States to help us identify women with the above eligibility criteria for the talent pipeline. Women staff members at the P-5 level and above in the Secretariat and the United Nations agencies, funds and programmes, as well as women in our partner intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations are also welcome to express their interest directly. This initiative is part of the Secretary-General’s effort to improve the representation and retention of women in the UN system.

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This is the executive summary of the final report on the Detroit Sexual Assault Kit (SAK) Action Research Project (ARP) which had the following project goals: to assess the scope of the problem by conducting a complete census of all SAKs in the police property inventory; to identify the underlying factors contributing to so many unsubmitted SAKs; to develop a plan for testing SAKs and to evaluate the efficacy of that plan; and to create a victim notification protocol and evaluate the effectiveness/efficiency of that protocol.



First, the study found that there were 11,219 SAKs in police custody as of November 1, 2009. A total of 2,512 SAKs had laboratory ID numbers, indicating that they had been submitted for testing, but it was unclear how many had actually been tested for DNA. The Project developed a step-by-step summary of the census procedures used in the project to assist other jurisdictions in conducting a similar census of SAKs in police custody.

Second, the underlying reasons for the large number of untested SAKs pertained to chronic understaffing and resource depletion compared to other U.S. cities of similar size, composition,. and crime rates, as well as police personnel victim-blaming attitudes in sexual assault cases, without consistent supervision and training to challenge these attitudes and related practices.

Third, the project developed and evaluated a plan for funding the testing of uncommitted SAKs. Funds were pooled from the Detroit SAK ARP budget, the State police department’s NIJ DNA Backlog Reduction Grants, and the resources of a university-based forensic laboratory that was separately funded by NIJ. Under this funding, the project tested 1,600 SAKs.

Fourth, the project developed and evaluated a victim notification protocol that provided a structure for processing sexual assault cases accompanied by victim notification of completed processing steps.



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El informe de 78 páginas, ‘“Whoever Raises Their Head, Suffers the Most’: Workers’ Rights in Bangladesh’s Garment Factories” [Quienes se resistan serán los que más sufran: Derechos de los trabajadores en las fábricas de indumentaria de Bangladesh]

Se debe implementar la legislación laboral y poner fin al trato persecutorio de sindicatos

(Dacca) – Los trabajadores del sector de la industria indumentaria en Bangladesh enfrentan condiciones laborales precarias y tácticas antisindicales por parte de empleadores, incluidas agresiones contra quienes organizan sindicatos, señaló Human Rights Watch en un informe difundido hoy. En los dos años transcurridos desde que el 24 de abril de 2013 más de 1.100 trabajadores murieran en el colapso catastrófico de la fábrica Rana Plaza, se han implementado algunas medidas destinadas a incrementar la seguridad en fábricas de Bangladesh. Sin embargo, el gobierno y las empresas de venta minorista de Occidente pueden y deberían intensificar sus esfuerzos para que se cumplan los estándares laborales internacionales que protegen los derechos de los trabajadores, como el derecho a establecer sindicatos y exigir mejores condiciones.

“Si Bangladesh desea evitar otra catástrofe como la de Rana Plaza, debe aplicar verdaderamente su legislación laboral y garantizar que los trabajadores de la industria de la confección puedan ejercer el derecho a expresar sus reclamos en materia de seguridad y condiciones laborales, sin temor a represalias o despidos”, observóPhil Robertson, subdirector para Asia de Human Rights Watch. “Si Bangladesh no exige que los encargados de talleres que agreden a trabajadores y niegan el derecho a formar sindicatos rindan cuentas, el gobierno perpetuará las prácticas que se han cobrado la vida de miles de trabajadores”.

El informe de 78 páginas, ‘“Whoever Raises Their Head, Suffers the Most’: Workers’ Rights in Bangladesh’s Garment Factories” [Quienes se resistan serán los que más sufran: Derechos de los trabajadores en las fábricas de indumentaria de Bangladesh], se elaboró a partir de entrevistas mantenidas con más de 160 trabajadores de 44 fábricas, que en su mayoría confeccionan prendas para empresas de venta minorista de América del Norte, Europa y Australia. Los trabajadores informan abusos como agresiones físicas, maltrato verbal (a veces de tipo sexual), horas extras obligatorias, negación del pago de licencias por maternidad, y falta de pago de salarios y bonificaciones en tiempo y forma. A pesar de las reformas laborales implementadas recientemente, numerosos trabajadores que intentan formar sindicatos para abordar estos abusos enfrentan amenazas, intimidación, despidos y, a veces, agresiones físicas por parte de jefes de estas fábricas o terceros contrata



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This 78-page report is based on interviews with more than 160 workers from 44 factories, most of them making garments for retail companies in North America, Europe, and Australia. Workers report violations including physical assault, verbal abuse – sometimes of a sexual nature – forced overtime, denial of paid maternity leave, and failure to pay wages and bonuses on time or in full. Despite recent labor law reforms, many workers who try to form unions to address such abuses face threats, intimidation, dismissal, and sometimes physical assault at the hands of factory management or hired third parties.

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The stories told in Jon Krakauer’s new book, “Missoula: Rape and the Justice System in a College Town,” remind us of what a brave and risky thing it still is for a woman to report a rape. Krakauer, who has written for this Web site, explores a spate of sexual assaults that occurred on and around the campus of the University of Montana between 2008 and 2012. For several of the women involved, the risk of reporting their rapes felt even more acute because the men they were naming were football players in a town that, like a lot of college towns, is football crazy. The team was the Grizzlies; Missoula is also known as Grizzlyville. Two of the cases eventually went to court. One involved a Grizzly linebacker named Beau Donaldson, who pleaded guilty to having raped a young woman who’d been a childhood friend; she was deeply asleep when he climbed on top of her. The other involved Jordan Johnson, a Grizzly quarterback accused of rape by a woman Krakauer calls by the pseudonym Cecilia Washburn. Johnson maintained the sex was consensual.


The BOOK, MISSOULA Rape and the Justice System in a College Town

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On the worst night of her life, Nicole Beverly was beaten almost unconscious by her husband and then forced to sit beside him as he loaded and unloaded his gun, threatening to kill her. “I was sure I was going to die,” she told The Huffington Post.

Paralyzed with fear, it took her five months to tell anyone about the abuse and seek help. One crisp Michigan morning she did, filing a restraining order and fleeing with her two children. But after Beverly was granted the order, she was horrified to find out that the gun her husband had used to terrorize her remained in his possession.

Under the 1996 Lautenberg amendment to the Federal Gun Control Act, people who are subject to permanent domestic violence restraining orders can’t own or buy guns. (The law generally doesn’t apply to dating partners or temporary restraining orders, although there are legislative efforts underway to change that.)

But Michigan -- like most states -- doesn’t have a law requiring people with domestic violence restraining orders to actually surrender their firearms to authorities. Without a mandatory state process in place to remove his guns, Beverly's husband was left armed and dangerous.


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The tremendous imbalance of power in the agricultural industry creates an atmosphere where sexual violence is common. In a recent study, 80 percent of women farmworkers surveyed said they experienced some form of sexual violence on the job (compared to 25-50 percent of all women in the workforce).

While sexual violence in the workplace has been studied extensively, far less attention has been given to the issue as it applies to women farmworkers in the United States whose circumstances differ greatly from the white middle-class focus of most sexual violence literature. The purpose of this report is to provide a comprehensive review of the existing documentation of sexual violence against women farmworkers who harvest and pack agricultural goods, the factors in agriculture that heighten their risk and the challenges of finding effective solutions. 

Publication date, April 16, 2015,          Publication type, Research

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The 11th Annual and First International
Battered Mothers Custody Conference
Hands Across the Water!
This year's agenda will include information, interviews, and presentations by
battered mothers’s and children’s advocates from countries "across the pond" in Europe

May 15th, 16th, and 17th, 2015 in the New York City Metropolitan Area
All sessions will be held at the conference hotel:
Empire Hotel Meadowlands by Clarion
2 Harmon Plaza, Secaucus, New Jersey 07094
(201) 348-6900

There are still rooms to reserve at 
the special BMCC XI rate of $99/single  $103/double!  
Call or contact this staff person DIRECTLY to reserve a room for the BMCC XI:
Antonieta Sevillano



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Sliver of a Full Moon is being staged at a law school for the first time ever to pay tribute to the incredible progress inherent in the partial restoration of Native nations’ jurisdiction to prosecute those who commit crimes against Native women on tribal lands in the 2013 re-authorization of the Violence Against Women Act (“VAWA”). Sliver of a Full Moon is the story of a movement to restore safety and access to justice to American Indian and Alaska Native women in the United States. It documents the grassroots movement leading up to the historic 2013 re-authorization of VAWA—an affirmative step towards restoring safety to Native women and sovereignty to Indian tribes to address certain violent crimes committed by non-Indians on Native lands. On March 7, 2013, President Obama signed VAWA into law.

The enactment of VAWA 2013 is critical for American Indian and Alaska Native women. "One in three Native women will be raped in her lifetime, and six in ten will be physically assaulted," said Lucy Rain Simpson, Executive Director of the National Indigenous Women’s Resource Center, Inc. Simpson added that, "Even worse, on some reservations, the murder rate for Native women is ten times the national average."

Sliver of a Full Moon’s cast features three courageous Native women who stepped forward to publicly share their stories of abuse by non-Indians and counter staunch opponents to the tribal provisions—Diane Millich (Southern Ute), Lisa Brunner (White Earth Ojibwe), and Billie Jo Rich (Eastern Band Cherokee). Professional actors will join them to portray Congressman Tom Cole (Chickasaw Nation), Eastern Band Cherokee Councilwoman Terri Henry, and Tulalip Tribe’s former Vice-Chairwoman Deborah Parker. And, for the first time ever, Sliver of a Full Moon will feature the stories of women survivors and advocates from Alaska, including Lenora (Lynn) Hootch, Joann Horn, Priscilla Kameroff, Shirley Moses, Nettie Warbelow, and Tami Jerue. 

Following the performance, Native women survivors Lisa Brunner (White Earth Ojibwe), Billie Jo Rich (Eastern Band Cherokee), and Diane Millich (Southern Ute), as well as tribal leaders former Vice-Chairwoman Deborah Parker (Tulalip Tribes) and Chairwoman Terri Henry (Eastern Band Cherokee) will engage the audience in a post-show panel discussion concerning the intersections of federal Indian law, tribal sovereignty, and safety of Native women.

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Una madre adolescente cada cinco minutos

A ese ritmo crece el número de madres menores de 20 años en Argentina, según datos del Ministerio de Salud. Esos nacimientos representan el 15 por ciento de los más de 750.000 reportados en el país suramericano. Una proporción discreta, si se compara con otras naciones latinoamericanas.

De acuerdo con estadísticas de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (Cepal) en Nicaragua y República Dominicana la quinta parte de las madres tienen entre 15 y 19 años. En Ecuador es el 17 por ciento.

La tasa de fertilidad en adolescentes, reportada por el Banco Mundial, confirma el alcance continental del fenómeno. Cuba, el país latinoamericano mejor situado, ocupa el puesto 107, con una tasa de 42 nacimientos por cada 1.000 adolescentes. El promedio de la región, incluyendo los estados no hispanos del Caribe, supera los 67 por cada 1.000, un nivel muy distante al de la Unión Europea (10,7 por cada 1.000) y más del doble que en Estados Unidos (29,6 por cada 1.000). Solo el África Subsahariana exhibe índices más alarmantes.


Vea Tambien: Prueba del Día Nacional de la Prevención del Embarazo en Adolescentes

And, in English, The National Day to Prevent Teen Pregnancy Quiz

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Chicas Nuevas 24 Horas: Making of (completo)

Patricia Roda, directora y productora de cine de reconocida trayectoria, es la realizadora del Making Of de Chicas Nuevas 24 Horas. De su mano iremos viajando a través de los distintos momentos vividos durante la grabación del documental y conoceremos a quienes han formado parte de todo el proceso de investigación, producción, realización y del
trabajo posterior en este proyecto. Os invitamos a disfrutar de este viaje.



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2015 marks the 15th anniversary of the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. Is this a time to celebrate progress or has the Protocol caused more problems than it has solved? What changes are taking place on the ground, after 15 years of building anti-trafficking into government, NGO and INGO programming? How do those who negotiated the Protocol view it now? What aspects of the Protocol’s definition of trafficking continue to be problematic or controversial? As well as reviewing legal frameworks around trafficking and related human rights abuses, this issue examines how the Protocol can be more useful in the decades ahead to people who are trafficked, as well as to women, migrants and workers who are also affected by anti-trafficking policy.

See Complete Issue free online in PDF


Issue 4, April 2015 Fifteen Years of the UN Trafficking Protocol Special Issue—

* Editorial: Looking Back, Looking Forward: The UN Trafficking Protocol at fifteen

* Two Cheers for the Trafficking Protocol

* Protocol at the Crossroads: Rethinking anti-trafficking law from an Indian labour law perspective

* Purity, Victimhood and Agency: Fifteen years of the UN Trafficking Protocol

* Was Trafficking in Persons Really Criminalised?

* Re-evaluating Palermo: The case of Burmese women as Chinese brides

* Trafficking in Persons for Ransom and the Need to Expand the Interpretation of Article 3 of the UN Trafficking Protocol

Debate: ‘The Trafficking Protocol has advanced the global movement against human exploitation.’

* Debate: Achievements of the Trafficking Protocol: Perspectives from the former UN Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons

* Debate: The Trafficking Protocol has Advanced the Global Movement against Human Exploitation: The case of the United Kingdom

* Debate: From Palermo to the Streets of Oslo: Pros and cons of the trafficking framework

* Debate: Trafficking as a Floating Signifier: The view from Brazil

* Interview: The Trafficking Protocol and the Anti-Trafficking Framework:



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Women of Color Network, Inc. Addressing Unique Challenges and Ending Domestic Violence for ALL WOMEN, Women of Color, their families and Communities.

WOCN, Inc. National Call to Action
Training and Technical Assistance Project (NCTATAP) 2015-2017
WOCN, Inc.’s Anti-Oppression Training & TA addresses issues that ultimately impact services to communities of color and other underserved populations based on 
race, class, gender, sexual orientation, age, disability, faith, and other identities.
Announcing Women of Color Network, Inc.’s National Call to Action Training and Technical Assistance Project (NCTATAP) for State Domestic Violence, Sexual Assault, Dual and Tribal Coalitions and Coalitions within U.S. Territories:
NCTATAP has been refunded by the Office on Violence Against Women, to support state domestic and sexual violence coalitions develop and enhance culturally relevant approaches. Through anti-oppression training and technical assistance, the project will encourage constructive organizational culture and improve quality of services to communities of color.  This WOCN, Inc. initiative is based on over fifteen years of serving domestic and sexual violence coalitions and local programs throughout the nation. 


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The relationship between gun ownership and safety is a hotly debated one in the United States, and it has also been the subject of extensive data-driven analysis. A 2014 meta-analysis in the Annals of Internal Medicine found that people who have access to firearms at home are twice as likely to die in gun-related homicides and more than three times as likely to commit suicide than those without such access. The study also found that men with access to a gun at home were nearly four times more likely than women to commit suicide with a gun, while women were three times more likely to die in a gun-related homicide.



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The Global Foundation for Democracy and Development (GFDD) and its sister organization in the Dominican Republic, Fundación Global Democracia y Desarrollo (Funglode), in collaboration with the Permanent Mission of the Dominican Republic to the United Nations and the Dominican Political Observatory (OPD by its Spanish acronims) of Funglode, hosted on March 18 the presentation of a research study at the United Nations on The Elimination of Violence Against Women. The event, which was organized in parallel to the 59th session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW 59) was very well attended with close to 100 participants. The event helped to highlight that policies seeking to eliminate violence against women in the Dominican Republic were implemented on paper but not in practice. The keynote speaker, Ms. Diuris Betances, confirmed that women on average received considerable less pay than men carrying out the same job.

The presentation formed part of the official launch of the GFDD/Funglode publication Status of Women: Studies and Reflections in the Dominican Republic and Latin America prepared by the Dominican Political Observatory (OPD) of Funglode.

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KABUL, Apr 7 2015 (IPS) - Women human rights defenders in Afghanistan face mounting violence but are being abandoned by their own government – and the international community is doing far too little to ease their plight – despite the significant gains they have fought to achieve, says Amnesty International in a new report released Apr. 7.

The report titled ‘Their Lives On The Line’ documents how champions for the rights of women and girls, including doctors, teachers, lawyers, police and journalists as well as activists, have been targeted not just by the Taliban but by warlords and government officials as well.

Rights defenders have suffered car bombings, grenade attacks on homes, killing of family members and targeted assassinations. Many continue their work despite suffering multiple attacks, in the full knowledge that no action will be taken against the perpetrators.

“Women human rights defenders from all walks of life have fought bravely for some significant gains over the past 14 years – many have even paid with their lives. It’s outrageous that Afghan authorities are leaving them to fend for themselves, with their situation more dangerous than ever,” said Salil Shetty, Amnesty International’s Secretary General, in Kabul to launch the report.




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