Womens Justice Center

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias



This model policy for prosecutors and judges on imposing, modifying, and lifting criminal no-contact orders in domestic violence cases addresses the following factors: victim safety, the identification of victim motivations, recognizing victim intimidation, assessing risk and lethality, and assessments regarding the modification of no-contact orders.




The model policy presented acknowledges that there is no universal approach to imposing, modifying, or lifting no-contact orders in domestic violence cases, because every case is different; however, the model advises that in each case, prosecutors and judges must obtain as much relevant information as possible in order to administer justice, protect victims, and hold offenders accountable. This paper outlines the factors in a domestic-violence case that should be examined when deciding whether to issue, modify, or lift no-contact orders. Victim safety is the top priority in a court’s deciding whether to issue, modify, or lift a no-contact order. It should not be assumed that a strict no-contact order guarantees victim safety. Research has shown that domestic violence victims are at greatest risk when perpetrators perceive that the victim wants to end the relationship; therefore, no-contact orders can, in some cases, trigger an intensified effort to prevent the victim from leaving the relationship. Factors in examining such a dynamic are the victim’s intent to either end or rehabilitate the relationship, indications that the perpetrator is intimidating the victim to retreat from court involvement in matters related to the victim’s safety, and an assessment of the risk that the perpetrator will attempt to kill the victim rather than lose control over her. Regarding the decision about modifying no-contact orders, this may be a better strategy than lifting a no-contact order entirely, particularly when safety concerns are evident. 46 notes


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The U.S. government has launched a pilot program authorizing three Native American tribes to prosecute non-Natives accused of sexual and relationship violence against Natives on tribal land.

When President Obama signed the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act (VAWA) in 2013, he enacted legislation that allows Native American tribes to use their own courts to prosecute non-Natives accused of committing dating and domestic violence against Natives on tribal land. The jurisdictional changes take effect in March 2015 but a pilot program, coordinated by the Department of Justice (DOJ), has authorized three tribes to exercise the prosecutions starting this week.

Tribal authority over non-Natives is not new but was completely halted in 1978. Five years previously, a non-Native named Mark David Oliphant was arrested for assaulting a Suquamish tribal policeman on the Port Madison Indian Reservation in Washington state. Oliphant argued that the tribe didn’t hold criminal jurisdiction in the matter. The Suquamish tribe held that its inherent tribal sovereignty allowed it to maintain law and order on its land, up to and including arresting and prosecuting non-Native suspects.

The Supreme Court sided with Oliphant, however, gutting tribal jurisdiction over non-Natives for crimes committed on tribal land. It did so not just for the Suquamish, but for all federally recognized tribes. And because local and state agencies don’t hold criminal jurisdiction on tribal lands, all non-Natives suspected of committing crimes on those lands for the last 40 years or so have been held accountable only by federal prosecutors. U.S. Attorneys are few in comparison to the number of cases that pile up so only the most serious of charges are ever investigated and prosecuted. 

The Supreme Court’s decision in Oliphant v. Suquamish Tribe, however, did rule that Congress could authorize criminal jurisdiction for Native tribes. It would take Congress 35 years to pass such legislation, through VAWA. By 2015 all 566 federally recognized Native tribes and nations will be eligible to exercise criminal jurisdiction over non-Natives for dating and domestic violence.



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Making it Stick: Protecting the Record for Appeal
February 21, 2014 | 2:00PM-3:00PM
Obtaining a conviction in a sexual assault, domestic violence, or human trafficking case is usually a hard-won victory, whether by guilty plea or by trial. 

This presentation will discuss the proper creation and protection of the record during all phases of a criminal case, focusing on investigation, charging, plea agreements, trial preparation and strategy, summation, and sentencing. It will address pretrial motions, and trial briefs on anticipated trial problems, and demonstrate how strategic charging decisions can result in admission of evidence that might otherwise be excluded. 

Click here to register.

And more...


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14 de febrero de 2013/Radio Internacional Feminista

Adilia Caravaca-Sonia Picado-Carlos VillanEl  martes 11 de febrero se realizó el Simposio El Camino a la Paz como Derecho Humano con la participación de  diversos expertos en el tema.

Según la abogada Adilia Caravaca, presidenta de la Liga Internacional de Mujeres Pro Paz y Libertad, "hay una verdadera urgencia que el derecho a la paz integre un conjunto de derechos que se han reconocido pero no se han concretado como realidades, tal como el derecho a vivir libre de violencia, con respeto, libre de la amenaza de las armas, de manera que se conviertan en políticas de estado, en valores y actitudes que se consoliden e incorporen en la convivencia social". 


 Para escuchar las presentaciones de los participantes::

Carlos Villán de la Asosiación Española del Derecho Internacional de Derechos Humanos

Manuel Ventura, Juez de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos

Nicolas Boeglin, profesor de Derecho Internacional Público

Adilia Caravaca, LIMPAL

Sonia Picado, Premio Internacional de Derechos Humanos de ONU

Proyecto Declaración sobre el Derecho Humano a la Paz

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Photo via ED ACT NOW’s petition to the new campus sexual assault Task Force

Know Your Title IX and ED ACT NOW are headed back to the White House, and they need your help. 

Last summer, the coalition of campus sexual assault activists collected 175,000 signatures for their petition calling on the Department of Education to enforce Title IX to end sexual violence on college campuses. President Obama clearly got the message and responded by creating a new White House Task Force to address the issue. (Four out of the five goals the president directed to his task force even came right from their petition, which is pretty damn cool.)

This Friday, the activists are headed back to the White House with some demands for the Task Force.

[W]e’re calling on the task force to make Title IX enforcement meaningful by directing the Department of Education to conduct timely and transparent investigations, issue substantive sanctions against offending schools, and provide substantial resources to colleges about issues, like intimate partner violence, rape, sexual assault, harassment, stalking and abuse, that impact a diversity of students, including queer survivors, survivors of color, and undocumented survivors.

 Sign the petition here to add show your support for survivors and help seize this critical moment. After all, as the activists write, “while the President’s task force is a step in the right direction, it isn’t an end in itself.” Help make sure it lives up to its potential to create real and lasting change on college campuses.

Maya DusenberyMaya Dusenbery is an Executive Director of Feministing.

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Sara Oviedo, Vicepresidenta del Comité de Derechos del Niño de la ONU. / EDU LEÓN

Sara Oviedo Fierro (Ecuador, 28 de julio de 1952) fue elegida en 2012 vicepresidenta del Comité de la Convención de Derechos del Niño en la ONU ante el que compareció el Vaticano el pasado 16 de enero. La socióloga ecuatoriana, que empezó a los 13 años a defender los derechos de los indígenas, las mujeres y los niños, fue testigo de las respuestas esquivas y de la negativa de los portavoces de la Santa Sede a ofrecer datos y hechos concretos sobre los casos de abusos sexuales en el seno de la Iglesia. Como coautora del durísimo informe emitido tras la comparencia, en el que la ONU exige a la Iglesia que entregue a los curas pederastas y que proteja a los niños, Oviedo afirma en esta entrevista, a través de videoconferencia, que el tema de la pederastia está “tan enraizado en las bases de la Iglesia” que sus autoridades tienen miedo a enfrentar el problema.

El asunto de la pederastia está tan enraizado en las bases de la Iglesia que hace temer que si esto se enfrenta ocurra una hecatombe


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Unión Europea

La Agencia de Derechos Fundamentales de la UE advierte de que la verdadera dimensión del problema "permanece invisible en las cifras oficiales”



Madrid, 17 febrero. 14. AmecoPress. Dos de cada tres mujeres europeas víctimas de violencia física o sexual no acude a denunciarlo ante la Policía ni ningún otro servicio de asistencia, según los primeros datos de un informe de la Unión Europea que será difundido en marzo. De este modo, el documento, realizado por la Agencia de Derechos Fundamentales de la UE (FRA), advierte de que la verdadera dimensión de la violencia contra las mujeres "permanece invisible en las cifras oficiales, lo que subraya la necesidad de aumentar la percepción de este asunto".



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On Friday, the Department of Justice sent a letter to the Missoula County Attorney's Office in Montana, alleging that it has found "substantial evidence" that prosecutors there systematically discriminate against female sexual-assault victims. According to the DOJ, the office considers sexual-assault cases involving adult women a low priority, often treats these victims with disrespect—quoting religious passages to one woman who reported assault, in a way that made her feel judged—and declines to prosecute some cases in which it has confessions or eyewitnesses, including a case in which Missoula police obtained incriminating statements from a man who admitted to having sexual intercourse with a mentally ill woman, who had asked him to stop.

"We uncovered evidence of a disturbing pattern of deficiencies in the handling of these cases by the County Attorney's Office, a pattern that not only denies victims meaningful access to justice, but places the safety of all women in Missoula at risk," wrote Acting Assistant Attorney General Jocelyn Samuels for the Civil Rights Division, in a statement on Friday.


      EXCERPT from DOJ letter to Missoula, Montana District Attorney (FULL TEXT PDF OF DOJ LETTER HERE)  

Our investigation to date has revealed substantial evidence suggesting that
response to allegations of sexual assault and rape discriminates against Women and that this
discrimination is fueled, at least in part, by gender bias. This bias erodes public confidence in
the criminal justice system, places women in Missoula at increased risk of harm, and reinforces
ingrained stereotypes about women. It-also undermines sexual assault investigations in.Missoula
from the outset, impairing the ability of both police and prosecutors to uncover the truth in these
cases and hold perpetrators of sexual violence accountable.

In addition, our investigation indicates that the County Attorney's Office has often failed
to take the steps necessary to develop sexual assault cases properly so that informed and fair
prosecutorial assessments may be made. As a result, female sexual assault victims in Missoula
are deprived of fundamental legal protections and often re-victimized by MCAO's response to
their reports of abuse. 

Specifically, our investigation has uncovered evidence indicating that the County
Attorney's Office engages in a pattern or practice of gender discrimination in violation of the
Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and
relevant statutes. In particular, there are strong indications that the decisions of the County
Attorney's Office regarding the investigation and prosecution of sexual assaults and rape,
particularly non-stranger assaults and rapes, are influenced by gender bias and gender
stereotyping and adversely affect women in Missoula.

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The NUT (National Union of Teachers, UK) worked for two years with five primary schools to consider how ‘traditional’ gender stereotypes could be challenged in nursery and primary classrooms. The project quickly acquired the name Breaking the Mould. The five schools were provided with support and training.

This webpage provides an overview of how the different schools looked at the impact of gender stereotypes on children and considered how they could begin to unsettle some of the established assumptions about what girls and boys might like or do.

The four publications available from the project are:

Boys and GirlsStereoTypes

This final project report contains conclusions and themes from the five schools.


This resource contains information on creating and updating resources as well as specific examples of practice from the project schools.

Childs PlayChilds Play
This resource contains a set of accompanying notes on the project books and explains how to use them.An article called Breaking the Mould: children's books that challenge gender stereotypes (first published in the journal Write4Children).

Investigating different ways to use children’s literature was at the heart of the project – the project books are listed here

The Appendices mentioned throughout, and listed at the end of, this booklet are availablehere. They include materials used by the schools including lesson plans, worksheets and drawings by the children.


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A Women’s Guide to Security Sector Reform
Bibliographic Details: 
Author(s): Megan Bastick, Tobie Whitman
The Institute for Inclusive Security, DCAF 2013
in English 
in French 
in Arabic 
in Bosnian 
In English
A Women’s Guide to Security Sector Reform seeks to encourage and empower women to take part in shaping and transforming the security sector in their communities and countries. Even if they have not formally studied security, women often have essential knowledge of community security needs, and have an important contribution to make to security sector reform (SSR).
The Women’s Guide provides both information on the security sector and tools for action. It draws on the rich and varied experiences of women in civil society from across the world and shares examples of practical, and sometimes innovative, ways to influence reform from the grassroots.
The Women’s Guide to Security Sector Reform includes three sections:
Section 1: Understanding Security
Introduces key concepts in security, explaining SSR, and discusses why women’s contributions in civil society are vital to transforming the security sector.
Section 2: Get Involved
Outlines concrete ways in which women’s organisations can engage and influence reform: how to research security issues, form coalitions, plan strategically, develop recommendations, advocate and engage directly.
Section 3: Tools for Action
Presents an array of practical activities and tools for women’s organisations to take action, including activities to identify local security needs, sample letters to security officials, talking points for meetings with policymakers and media and definitions of security jargon.


SEE ALSO - Gender Training for the Security Sector: Lessons identified and practical resources (2013)

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La interrupción voluntaria del embarazo (IVE), su estatus legal y los datos sobre su práctica, están cubiertos por un espeso velo de silencio

A partir del tabú proliferan los mitos, las mentiras y medias verdades, 

Madrid, 12 feb. 14. AmecoPress/La Marea.- La interrupción voluntaria del embarazo (IVE), su estatus legal y los datos sobre su práctica, están cubiertos por un espeso velo de silencio. Y a partir del tabú proliferan los mitos, las mentiras y medias verdades, ya sean producto de la desinformación o de la manipulación intencionada.

El anuncio de la reforma de la actual Ley 2/2010 de salud sexual y reproductiva y de la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo por parte del ministro de Justicia, Alberto Ruiz Gallardón, ha provocado una creciente alerta entre la ciudadanía y, especialmente, entre las mujeres en edad fértil. Vamos a tratar de despejar algunas de las dudas más comunes que rodean a la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo.



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logos: NIWAP, American University Washington College of Law, Legal Momentum, and CALCASA


Webinar: Obtaining U Visa Certification from Judges in Protection Order, Family, Criminal and Other State Court Proceedings


Presented by: the National Immigrant Women’s Advocacy Project (NIWAP) and the California Coalition Against Sexual Assault (CALCASA) In Partnership with Legal Momentum

Date:                           February 20, 2014 (Thursday)

Time:                           2:00p.m.-3:30 p.m. Eastern Time

Cost:                           The webinar is free to all participants.

Target Audience:        The webinar is for grantees, subgrantees, grant partners and potential grantees of  the U.S. Department of Justice, Office on Violence Against Women (OVW), and advocates, attorneys, judges and court staff  who encounter, work with or advocate for immigrant survivors.

Where:                        Offered online. Participants must register ahead of time at www.niwap.org/training/u-cert-by-judges.php

PresentersLeslye E. Orloff, Director, National Immigrant Women’s Advocacy Project, NIWAP, American University Washington College of Law; and Judge Ramona Gonzalez, State of Wisconsin Circuit Judge.

Description of webinar: This ninety-minute interactive webinar is designed to train attorneys and advocates working with victims of domestic violence and sexual assault on how and when U visa certifications can be obtained from state courts. For some immigrants, courts provide the first opportunity to communicate with justice system personnel through a qualified interpreter.  Family, protection order, child abuse, probate, criminal, and other state courts regularly hear cases involving immigrant crime victims.   There are many instances in which courts can and should be asked to sign U visa certifications. Judges are explicitly listed in the U visa statue and implementing regulations among the government personnel authorized to sign U visa certifications.  Under grants from the Office on Violence Against Women and the State Justice Institute, NIWAP has developed a new U Visa Certification toolkit for state and federal judges, magistrates and courts.  This webinar will provide attendees with:

·         An overview of the law and the special role Congress created regarding U visa certification by judges

·         Strategies for seeking U visa certification in  various types of state or federal court cases including timing of judicial certification in civil and criminal cases

·         Discussion of how obtaining certification from a judge or magistrate can be a viable option for immigrant survivors

·         Practice pointers on how judges would complete the U Visa certification form

·         Tools and materials containing up-to-date legally correct information on current DHS policies and U visa certification protocol will be provided for attorneys and advocates.

Attendees are encouraged to participate and ask questions. Participants may wish to review previous webinars and webcast on the U visa and other issues of importance to immigrant survivors available at http://niwaplibrary.wcl.american.edu/

Closed Captioning is Available.

Contact: If you need help with your webinar registration or have any technical questions, please contact Levi Wolberg at (202)274-4190 orwolberg@wcl.american.edu.



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In the United States, 70% of all non-arrest domestic violence (DV) police investigations are rejected by prosecutors. Using DV investigation data, the routine work habits of two groups of police officers were compared across six measures. Cases submitted by routinely lower effort (RLE) officers are rejected 270% more often, sustaining an average of 4.00 criticisms each, compared to 2.21 for routinely greater effort (RGE) officers. RLE officers submit ambiguous investigations (58% v. 0%), and cases with insufficient evidence (74% vs. 36%).
The Proficiency Score (P Score) quantitative monitoring method is presented and validated. This method identifies RLE officers, and also specific areas of deficient individual investigative practice in need of improvement. With improvement, rates of prosecution and conviction for DV crime should increase substantially. 
Logistic regression was used to assess five different police actions that an investigating police officer can choose to employ when handling a domestic violence call. Each significantly increases the likelihood the prosecutor will file charges: obtain photographs (60 percent); find and arrest the defendant (94 percent); obtain an emergency protective order (87 percent); locate additional witnesses (68 percent); and list more than one criminal charge in the police report (284 percent). Three optional police actions increase the likelihood of criminal conviction: find and arrest the defendant (78 percent); obtain an emergency protective order (102 percent); list more than one charge (142 percent). Survival analysis shows a sixth action, completing the investigation the same day, to significantly increase rates of criminal case filing and also rates of criminal conviction. A strong case, best practices model for the investigation of domestic violence incidents was validated and is presented. Police discretion is discussed. Lawmakers should consider making these optional investigative actions mandatory.

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Children born of wartime rape are particularly vulnerable and their case is complex as their needs intertwine with the needs of their mothers or their cultural community. To analyse the status of children born of rape and identify both risk factors and key issues, a systematic search among medical and psychological research articles was performed. In addition, historical, sociological and human rights literature was explored. Risk factors for the wellbeing of children born of rape are: pregnancy and delivery; poor parent-child relationships; discrimination and stigmatisation; and identity issues. Three key issues which should direct research and clinical practice are formulated: perceiving children born of rape as secondary rape victims; the existence of multiple perpetrators; and competing rights and interests. To assist children born of rape, clinicians, as well as researchers, are confronted with the challenge to develop a comprehensive perspective that considers the needs and rights of both children and mothers. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

‘Three key issues which should direct research and clinical practice are formulated’

Key Practitioner Messages
  • Children born of rape face serious mental health risks.

  • Perceiving children born of rape as secondary rape victims is of importance as this highlights the risk of confrontation with the direct trauma of the mother via the mother-child relationship.

  • Acknowledging the existence of multiple perpetrators creates the opportunity to hold those involved accountable for their behaviour.

  • Clinicians have to develop a comprehensive perspective that considers the needs and rights of both children and mothers.

‘A comprehensive perspective that considers the needs and rights of both children and mothers’


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Women's status may have been transformed, but misdirected resources and incorrect strategies make this difficult to sustain

MDG : Kashmiri Muslim girl students stage a women's rights rally in Srinagar, India
Kashmiri Muslim students stage a rally on international women's day, in Srinagar, India. Photograph: Yawar Nazir/Getty














The collective experience of five decades of women's rights organising has shown that supply-driven approaches – giving individual girls or women schooling, jobs, loans, access to political office, or legal redress, or example – may empower women individually, but do not necessarily translate into a better deal for other women.

Deeper and more inclusive change in the status of women can only be achieved by demand-driven approaches – by mobilising women and building their collective power to act together for their vision of a more just society.



How To Start an Independent Advocacy Center to End Violence Against Women, ...and Why


Part 1 ~ Why there's an urgent need to reinvent independent advocacy and activism to end violence against women

Part 2 ~ Getting Started: First Steps, Decisions, and Notes

The point is not that we need fewer organizations providing important social services for victims of violence against women and children. The point is that we need to create many more organizations that are free enough of restrictive funding to reignite the feminist fight and fire.

Over the last 20 years, the U.S. violence against women movement has become increasingly embedded in the very institutions we most need to change. The feminist rape and domestic violence centers of yesterday have become morphed into the quasi governmental service agencies of today. 
The influx of federal funding with its many strings attached, combined with big budget hungry programs, are trends that are crippling our capacity to advocate effectively for victims' rights and to get at the root causes of the violence. There's no question that the current system of rape and domestic violence centers is accomplishing a huge task of providing some much needed services to literally millions of women. But the often restrictive requirements of big funders, especially government funders, combined with the compromising liaisons many centers have entered into with powerful patriarchal systems, in particular the justice system, have frozen the movement in place, institutionalized it, and stripped it from its roots in a feminist movement for social change. 
When advocates and the agencies they work for are contractually bound to these government systems, as most are today, it becomes nearly impossible to apply the pressures needed to make those systems change. 


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National Academy of Sciences
Despite the increase in the evidence base for violence prevention programs and advances in accessibility of the evidence, major challenges remain with transferring effective programs to different real-world settings.
Two key questions are; How to get programs that are known to be effective into wider use, and, equally important, how to halt the use of programs that have demonstrated no discernible positive effect or have had harmful or toxic effects.


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María Cristina Olivares había denunciado a su ex por agresiones en 2012. Pero la protección de la Justicia llegó 19 meses después, ya estaba muerta. 

Víctima. María Cristina Olivares.

"No ha sido nada grave". Esa fue la evaluación que surgió desde el juzgado que le dio protección a una mujer 19 meses más tarde, cuando ya había sido asesinada por su ex pareja. Los dichos echaron combustible a un caso de violencia de género que suma indignación al dolor.

María Cristina Olivares fue asesinada de 140 puñaladas en San Juan. Un año más tarde, detuvieron por el homicidio a su ex marido, al que la mujer había denunciado por agresión. Ahora, un año y siete meses después del crimen, la Justicia tomó una resolución insólita: citó a declarar a la mujer asesinada, para informarle que se había fallado a favor de su pedido de protección.


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2013/246 pages
The authors draw on unparalleled access to Los Angeles detectives, prosecutors, and case files to make sense of the factors that affect the outcomes of sexual assault claims. Following cases from victim report, to police investigation, to the decision to charge—or not to charge—they provide new insights into why shockingly few sexual assault claims lead to an eventual criminal conviction.


Cassia Spohn is professor of criminology and criminal justice at Arizona State University. Katharine Tellis is assistant professor of criminal justice and criminalistics at California State University, Los Angeles.


  • Sexual Assault and the Criminal Justice System.
  • Policies and Practices.
  • Detective and Prosecutor Perspectives.
  • Case Attrition and Case Outcomes.
  • False Reports.
  • The Overuse and Misuse of Exceptional Clearance.
  • Intimate Partner Sexual Assault.
  • Taking Sexual Assault Seriously.

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A mediados del pasado diciembre, Mariano Calleja, letrado-coordinador del Servicio de Orientación Jurídica de Extranjería Municipal, fue uno de los ponentes de la presentación del informe sobre trata y prostitución en España de APROSERS (Asociación de Promoción de Servicios Sociales). Una entidad que hace apenas unos días comunicó su cierre, después de 28 años trabajando con inmigrantes, por falta de subvenciones.

Durante su ponencia, Calleja explicó cómo de las 12.000 víctimas de trata identificadas entre abril y diciembre de 2013, solamente 100 de ellas pasaron a ser testigos protegidos, según afirmó, “probablemente porque quisieron colaborar y porque sus testimonios fueron los suficientemente relevantes”. Especializado en procurar asistencia legal gratuita a estas víctimas, el letrado también lamentó la aparente despreocupación por que estas personas “sean asesoradas legalmente, que tengan acceso a un juicio justo o que se le garantice protección a los familiares que tengan en sus países de origen”.

El pasado mes de diciembre, la Comisión Europea advirtió que estaban dispuestos a demandar a España ante el Tribunal de Justicia de la UE si no adaptaba su legislación a la directiva europea sobre trata, después haber caducado el plazo en abril. A pesar de ello, aún no se ha hecho nada al respecto. ¿Por qué esta inacción?


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When armed men arrive in Mexico's remote villages, mothers hide their daughters – especially the pretty ones. Jennifer Clement hears the distressing stories of the girls and women stolen by drug cartels to be trafficked for sexa woman protesting in front of an image of her child
Making a stand: a mother protests in front of a picture of her daughter, murdered by gangsters in Veracruz. Photograph: Sergio Hernandez Vega/La Jornada

Lupita is in her 30s and works as a laundry maid in several houses inMexico City. She can still remember the first time she saw a girl taken from her home village. "She was very pretty," says Lupita. "She had freckles. She was 11 years old."

Lupita was 20 when five men drove into the small community near Dos Bocas, outside the port of Veracruz. "When they got out of the van all we could see were the machine guns in their hands. They wanted to know where the pretty one was, the girl with freckles. We all knew who that was. They took her and she was still holding her doll under her arm when they lifted her into the van like a bag of apples. This was more than 12 years ago. We never heard from her again."




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Dutch politician tweets image of Norwegian, Swedish and German counterparts from Munich summit, saying 'things are changing'
Female defence ministers
Ine Eriksen Søreide (Norway), Karin Enström (Sweden), Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert (Netherlands) and Ursula von der Leyen (Germany). Photograph: Twitter

It happened at around 3pm on Saturday, in one of the conference rooms at Munich's Bayerischer Hof hotel, where politicians from around the world had gathered for an annual security conference. The female defence ministers of NorwaySweden and the Netherlands had all met at previous conferences, so they decided to welcome Ursula von der Leyen, their new German counterpart.

When Belgium's (male) defence minister, Pieter De Crem, spotted the group of women, he quipped: "Oh, I'll better get out of the picture." That's when the Dutch defence minister, Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, asked someone to capture the scene on her phone.

Hennis-Plasschaert told the Guardian: "[The Dutch politician] Neelie Kroes once said to me that old boys' networks are the oldest form of cartels we have in Europe. She was right, but things are changing, and women can do similar things now."

Her tweet with the photograph soon went viral. To many, the image heralded a new era in which even the last bastions of male privilege were no longer closed to talented women. Sweden's foreign minister, Carl Bildt, retweeted it with the comment "True Power Girls" (and was widely criticised for the condescending tone).



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   Activistas peruanas advierten que indagación no está agotada

Cimacnoticias/IPS | Lima.- 04/02/2014

El carpetazo del caso sobre la esterilización forzada de más de 2 mil mujeres en Perú durante el régimen del presidente Alberto Fujimori representó un sorpresivo cambio del fiscal encargado.
El fiscal Marco Guzmán Baca emitió el pasado 22 de enero la resolución que puso fin en esa instancia a la investigación de las esterilizaciones forzadas que se practicaron en Perú entre 1996 y 2000.
En ella dispone no denunciar penalmente a Fujimori (1990-2000), ni a tres ex ministros de Salud y otros funcionarios acusados de responsabilidad en el delito.
“Nos llevaron en camiones. Entramos inocentes y contentas. Pero escuchamos gritos y corrí (…). Las puertas estaban cerradas con candado. Me llevaron en camilla, me ataron los pies y ahí me cortaron”, contó a IPS/Cimacnoticias la víctima Micaela Flores Bañares, de la provincia de Anta, en la sureña región de Cusco, que entonces tenía siete hijos.
Eran unas 30 mujeres que fueron al centro de salud bajo el engaño de una campaña para un chequeo general, recordó.
El dictamen fiscal sólo determina procesar a personal de salud del norteño departamento de Cajamarca. Las esterilizaciones formaron parte del Programa de Anticoncepción Quirúrgica Voluntaria (AQV) que crearon Fujimori y su equipo para reducir drásticamente la natalidad en las zonas más pobres del país y que afectó sobre todo a mujeres rurales y hablantes de quechua.


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The US Office of Civil Rights (OCR) in the Justice Department is tasked with investigating and enforcing violations of sex discrimination complaints on college campusus which includes complaints of colleges mishandling campus sexual assaults. In response to congressional dissatisfaction with OCR's performance of that task, on January 29, 2014, 45 members of Congress signed a letter to the OCR calling for changes aimed at strengthening OCR's response and effectiveness dealing with campus sexual assaults.


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Part I of this monograph will explore the forms—sometimes subtle—that witness intimidation can take, identify victims and witnesses who are most likely to be subjected to intimidation, as well as examine where and when intimidation is likely to occur. 
The subsequent parts of the monograph will identify and discuss: 
• II. Recommendations for training, cross-training, and collaboration among allied professionals and agencies that will prepare them to meet the challenges presented by witness intimidation
Witness Intimidation: Meeting the Challenge
• III. Strategies that will help to prevent intimidation or minimize its effects, by minimizing or managing the interactions between defendants and witnesses and by depriving defendants of access to some of the tools they use to intimidate
• IV. Strategies to uncover the presence of intimidation in the context of individual cases, and investigative strategies and techniques to secure the evidence to prove it
• V. Strategies for effective response to intimidation occurring within the context of individual cases, ranging from informal resolution to the prosecution of intimidation as a discrete offense
that may be separately punished to achieve maximum deterrent effect
• VI. Trial strategies for cases involving witness intimidation, including the use of forfeiture by wrongdoing as a means of admitting hearsay statements where a defendant has caused a witness’s unavailability for trial.
MONOGRAPH PDF HERE (loads slowly)

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The Vatican "systematically" adopted policies that allowed priests to rape and molest tens of thousands of children over decades, a UN human rights committee said Wednesday, urging the Holy See to open its files on pedophiles and bishops who concealed their crimes.

In a devastating report hailed by abuse victims, the UN committee severely criticized the Holy See for its attitudes toward homosexuality, contraception and abortion and said it should change its own canon law to ensure children's rights and their access to health care are guaranteed.


La ONU acusa al Vaticano de no hacer lo suficiente por acabar con la pedofilia CON VIDEO

(CNN Español) – La ONU criticó al Vaticano este miércoles por no haber reconocido nunca "la amplitud de los crímenes" de abuso sexual contra niños por parte de sacerdotes y lo acusó de adoptar "políticas y prácticas que llevaron a la continuación de abusos y a la impunidad de los responsables". 

Las denuncias están consignadas en un informe del Comité de la ONU sobre los Derechos del Niño que analizó los abusos sexuales y los casos de pedofilia en la Iglesia Católica. En las conclusiones del informe, el comité urge a la Santa Sede a "apartar de inmediato de sus funciones a todos los autores conocidos y sospechosos de abusos sexuales a niños, y denunciarlos a las autoridades competentes para que los investiguen y los procesen". 

"Han roto la Convención, porque no han hecho todo lo que deberían" para atajar los casos de pedofilia en su seno, dijo Kirsten Sandberg, presidenta del Comité de la ONU de los Derechos del Niño



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This special collection emphasizes collaborative and multi-level approaches to the prevention of and response to teen dating violence (TDV). It draws on the work of many organizations and organizes the resources on TDV prevention and responses by different populations. The first section of this special collection provides general information about teen dating violence. The next six sections include TDV information related to: 1) young people, 2) parents and care takers, 3) men and boys, 4) teachers and school-based professionals, 5) health care professionals, and 6) domestic violence and sexual violence service providers. The final section presents documents on TDV-related laws and legislation. The special collection concludes with examples of national programs that address TDV and a list of national and statewide organizations and programs.



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How direct costs of Tennessee's most violent crimes are weighing down our economy and tearing down a gender, with recommendations for prevention.

Partial Table of Contents:

A Tally: The Economic Impact of Violence Against Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Challenges to Collecting VAW Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Costs to Taxpayers, Our Communities & the Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Crimes Against Women & Criminal Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Violence and Children’s Services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
“The Intersection Between Domestic Violence and Sex Trafficking in Children” . . . . . . . . . .
Medical & Mental Health Services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Social Service Providers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Workplace Inefficiency & Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . .
How Violence Impedes Growth and Economic Stability. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
What Victimization Means for an Entire Gender. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Hidden Costs of Inaction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Total Estimated Cost of Violence Against Women. . . . . . . . . . . 
Recommendations Toward Prevention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
A.-D. Education & Prevention. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
E. Recovery-Oriented Funding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
F. Control-Oriented Offender Counseling. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
G. Healthcare Identification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I.-J. Community Awareness. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
K.-L. Trafficking Rehabilitation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
M. Collaboration and Best Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
N. Faith-Based Outreach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Domestic Violence in Tennessee. . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Size of the Problem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Victims and Offenders in Detail . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Underreporting and the Psychology of Domestic Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Human Sex Trafficking in Tennessee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Emerging Awareness and the Victimization of Minors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Lucrative Business of Human Sex Trafficking. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
“How Women Are Lured Into Selling Their Bodies for Sex” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Victims as Traffickers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
Where We Are: Human Sex Trafficking. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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La periodista colombiana Jineth Bedoya fue secuestrada, torturada y violada hace trece años por unos paramilitares cuando realizaba una investigación periodística. Hoy, desde el periodismo y también como activista, es la voz de las miles de mujeres que han sufrido y sufren la violencia sexual en Colombia. Según Intermón Oxfam serían casi medio millón las mujeres víctimas de esta lacra del conflicto armado colombiano.

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