Womens Justice Center

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


But here's Pope Frances on Women Becoming Priests:

That Door is Closed"

Why do so many progressives swoon over this man when all the while he is so powerfully trampling women's most fundamental human rights, pressuring governments in country after country to deny women birth control, actively promoting bishops' rights not to report child abuse to civil authorities, gives only dog and pony show response to the scourge of child rapist priests, not to mention Pope Francis' history of cowardly, unholy, sacrificing of his brethren by turning his back on them in Argentina's dirty war?

Do progressives swoon over this man because he uses twitter and Instagram? Says all the right buzz words? So sweetly adopts the cloak and sound bites of compassion? Kisses the feet of prisoners? For this, the progressive community embraces this pope and ignores over half of humanity getting thrown under the bus? Or is it because so many progressives themselves haven't begun to take women's and children's rights as seriously as the rights of other oppressed groups? Would that be bringing the mirror of inequality too close to home?

Just this month, April 2, as reported by Press TV here..... "The recent Italian Bishops Conference has adopted a new Vatican-backed policy which states that the clerics are not obliged to inform the police if they suspect a child has been molested by a member of the Catholic Church.According to the UN, tens of thousands of children across the world have been sexually abused by predatory clerics as a result of moving, rather than reporting, pedophiles."

SEE ALSO, the BOOK by Jimmy Carter, 

A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power 

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April 2014 video: Domestic Violence: Nashville Responds is a follow up to Domestic Violence: Living in Fear. It examines the assessment findings and key recommendations, what Nashville is and isn't doing in response to the incidence of domestic violence, and how it can do better. The discussion doesn't start until a few minutes into the video after introductory material.

In October, 2013, the Office of Mayor Karl Dean released 'Closing Safety Gaps for Domestic Violence Victims: Nashville-Davidson County Domestic Violence Safety and Accountability Assessment'. It reflects the work of more than 100 community members who spent nearly two years indentifying gaps in current processes and systems related to domestic violence. The report contains recommendations for improving the processes currently utilized by Metropolitan Nashville.


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La justicia que queremos las mujeres requiere de un Ministerio Público que no retroceda. Ana Silvia Monzón[1]


En este país pequeño, como escribió Humberto Ak’abal, “todo queda lejos: la comida, las letras, la ropa…” y la justicia. Y para las mujeres la distancia es mayor.

Llegamos al siglo veintiuno con muchos retrasos: disparidad en la educación, sobre todo para niñas y mujeres indígenas, mestizas y ladinas del área rural; inequidad laboral para la mayoría, incluso las más letradas; escasa representación en los espacios públicos; altos índices de mortalidad materna sobre todo en el campo; aumento de casos de abuso y violaciones sexuales, así como de muertes violentas de mujeres.

Ante ese panorama, las mujeres se han organizado, denunciado y demandado transformaciones en todos los ámbitos: social, político, cultural y económico. Un breve repaso por tres décadas de movilizaciones de las mujeres da cuenta del logro de algunas leyes que reconocen sus derechos y de instituciones, insuficientes aún, cuya obligación es garantizar esos derechos. Asimismo, se ha logrado que problemáticas como la violencia sean consideradas un fenómeno social y no una cuestión de pareja o familiar.


Uno de los espacios de mayor aporte de las mujeres es el de la justicia. Ellas fueron quienes encabezaron, desde los años ochenta, la exigencia de cumplimiento de los derechos humanos violentados durante la guerra que, en Guatemala, duró casi cuarenta años. El Grupo de Apoyo Mutuo-GAM y la Coordinadora de Viudas de Guatemala-CONAVIGUA que surgieron en esos años, junto a otros como FAMDEGUA, no han dejado de insistir en la búsqueda de sus familiares y en la demanda de justicia ante las atrocidades cometidas en el marco de una política contrainsurgente basada en la doctrina de seguridad nacional.


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NOTE: Over 80% of the victims were female. The criminal neglect at the Rana Plaza and other garment factories where fiery mass deaths are common amounts to the mass murder of women. - admin

NEW YORK -- A year after a building collapse killed more than 1,100 people at a factory in Bangladesh, the country's garment workers remain exposed to dangerous work conditions, untouched by widely publicized reform efforts from major retailers, according to a new report.

Released Monday by New York University's Center of Business and Human Rights, the report found that the two major safety plans launched by coalitions of international retailers in the past year -- though unprecedented in size and scope -- fail to address the "greatest risks" facing millions of workers.

Less than 2,000 factories in Bangladesh will be covered by the international programs, report co-author Sarah Labowitz said in a presentation at NYU's Stern School of Business on Tuesday. That's out of a total of about 5,000 to 6,000 factories and facilities in the country.


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April 28, 2014 
From 2:00 PM to 3:30 PM

Presented by Elaine Nugent-Borakove, President, Justice Management Institute and Jennifer Long, Director, AEquitas

Prosecutorial effectiveness is commonly measured by conviction rates, largely because they are readily available. But, are conviction rates an accurate measure of success? For difficult cases, like sexual assaults, conviction rates do not capture the quality of the prosecution strategies or the relative difficulty of the cases taken forward. Experienced prosecutors know they won’t win every case. In fact, some would argue that if you aren’t losing any cases, you aren’t trying the right ones. With a singular focus on high conviction rates, far too many cases go unprosecuted because of fears that the cases won’t be won, which results in sex offenders escaping justice and communities and victims being less safe. So, how can success in sexual assault prosecution be measured, if not by conviction rates? Is there a better way of measuring the effectiveness of practices in these cases that would allow us to improve and sustain them? 

This presentation will discuss promising sexual assault prosecution strategies as well as measuring effectiveness in a way that does not rely solely upon conviction rates. The presenters will discuss other, more meaningful performance measures, and will describe how they can be used to more accurately measure and sustain effective prosecution practices.

Allied justice system professionals including but not limited to prosecutors, law enforcement officers, community-based service providers, and judges are encouraged to register for this webinar.

Click here to register

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Almost twenty years after the close of the conflict in the Former Yugoslavia, the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Rule of Law Unit has recently released a report detailing progress the country has made in prosecuting war crimes cases involving sexual violence. In addition, the Mission recently released a groundbreaking interactive war crimes map.

The report, titled “Combating Impunity for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Progress and Challenges,” is  available in both Bosnian and English. It focuses on the prosecution of wartime crimes of sexual violence committed against an estimated 20,000 women, and countless men and boys during the 1992-1995 conflict in the former Yugoslav state.  The report examines the prosecution of wartime sexual violence during the period from 2005 to 2013 and provides a background on international jurisprudence on rape and sexual violence more generally.  It also describes the establishment of certain forms of sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide within the Bosnian national legal framework. Moreover, the report details the Bosnian special evidentiary rules governing sexual violence cases and examines the practice in both Bosnia’s high State Court, as well as the regional cantonal courts.  The report also includes several annexes that set forth the number of sexual violence cases charged, as well as a list of completed and ongoing cases involving wartime sexual violence before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In addition to serving as a useful research tool, the report will help ensure that the lessons learned by Bosnia in prosecuting crimes of wartime sexual violence will be available to the world in our efforts to stamp out wartime sexual violence everywhere.



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Juana Gómez fue asesinada en el 2013 en Chaco luego de ser violada y en breve se iniciará el juicio oral. Reina Maraz tiene prisión domiciliaria luego de haber sido acusada de asesinar a su marido. Las dos son mujeres, pobres e indígenas, Reina además es migrante. Invisibilizadas por siglos de opresión colonial, empiezan a oírse las voces de estas mujeres que nacieron en los márgenes de la sociedad occidental y sobre cuyos cuerpos el patriarcado y la dominación capitalista marcan su territorio a diario.


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WASHINGTON -- Last Wednesday, Philadelphia Mayor Michael Nutter (D) announced a significant change to the city's law enforcement policies. Going forward, Philadelphia officials would no longer acquiesce to the federal government's requests that they hold certain undocumented immigrants for extra time solely for deportation purposes.

The change in policy is among the latest acts of rebellion against the euphemistically-titled Secure Communities, a federally-run program launched in 2008 that allows U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement to find and pick up immigrants it will eventually deport. The program has played a central role in deportations over the past six years, and, in the process, has raised the ire of immigration reform advocates who argue that not only is it a blunt and costly instrument that forces police officers to play the role of ICE agents, it also tramples on civil liberties. Nutter isn't the only one to grow tired with the program.


SEE ALSO: Justice Cancelled for Immigrant Women

What Advocates and Communities Should
Know About the Law Enforcement
Immigration Policies and their Effects on
Victims of Violence Against Women and

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   A “La Coahuila” llegan mujeres traídas del centro y sur del país

Redes de trata en esta ciudad de Baja California (BC) “enganchan” a mujeres y niñas provenientes de otros estados del país para llevarlas a la zona conocida como “La Coahuila”, donde la explotación sexual prolifera en decenas de burdeles al amparo de las autoridades.
En entrevista con Cimacnoticias, Dolores París Pombo, profesora investigadora de El Colegio de la Frontera Norte (Colef), dijo que estas mujeres y niñas provienen de comunidades del centro y sur del país y no cuentan con apoyo de sus familias, además de que muchas de ellas fueron violentadas sexualmente en el núcleo familiar, por lo que crecen con poca autoestima y se vuelven blanco fácil del “chantaje emocional de sus explotadores”.
Así que son sus mismos familiares quienes las “enganchan” en sus pueblos, las trasladan pagando los sobornos necesarios para llegar hasta Tijuana, y una vez ahí comienza la explotación sexual.
Según el “Reporte final: Investigando el contexto social de la trata sexual y la vulnerabilidad al VIH a lo largo de la frontera México-EU”, coordinado por Shira Goldenberg, de la Universidad de California en San Diego, y publicado por el Colef, el 80 por ciento de las víctimas de trata sexual son mujeres y cada año 100 mil víctimas llegan del sur y centro de México para ser traficadas en la frontera con fines sexuales.


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WBTW-TV: News, Weather, and Sports for Florence, SC

WASHINGTON -- It's been a rough week for Crystal Moore. She got fired from her job as the police chief in Latta, S.C., despite a spotless 20-year record with the department, and she's not alone in believing the town's new mayor fired herbecause she's a lesbian. It's the first time she hasn't had a job since she was 9, her health insurance runs out at the end of the month and she doesn't know where her next paycheck will come from.

But if the firing weren't enough of a shock, something else unexpected happened: Her community -- a tiny conservative town of about 1,410 residents -- is rising to her defense and demanding that she get her job back.


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WASHINGTON -- For nearly a decade, the National Rifle Association successfully blocked a bill in Washington state that would have required alleged domestic abusers to surrender their firearms after being served with a protective order. Only those actually convicted of felony domestic violence, the nation's largest gun lobby argued, should be made to forfeit their gun rights.

This past year, the NRA changed its tune. As the bill, HB 1840, once again moved through the state legislature, the gun lobby made a backroom deal with lawmakers, agreeing to drop its public opposition to it in exchange for a few minor changes. This February, with the NRA's tacit approval, the bill sailed through the state legislature in a rare unanimous vote.

The NRA's decision not to oppose the measure was a stark departure from its usual legislative strategy. For over a decade, bare-knuckled lobbying by the NRA hasdoomed similar bills in state legislatures across the country. Legislators who backed such bills, particularly in states with strong traditions of gun ownership, could practically be guaranteed a challenger after the NRA withdrew its endorsements or backed their opponents.

But over the past year, the NRA has quietly scaled back its scorched-earth campaigns against stricter domestic violence laws. The group has consulted with legislators in states across the country on bills similar to HB 1840. With the tacit approval of the NRA, Louisiana, Wisconsin and Minnesota have all passed or advanced bills banning the possession of firearms by those convicted of misdemeanor domestic abuse, those served protective orders, or those deemed by the court to pose a physical threat to their families.


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The treaty establishing a complaint mechanism for the Convention on the Rights of the Child (“OP3”) entered into force on 14 April 2014. Costa Rica brought the number of ratifications of this Optional Protocol to the required ten, with all but Costa Rica also entering declarations accepting the Article 13 inquiry procedure.  An additional 37 states have signed the protocol but not yet completed the ratification process. States parties to the Optional Protocol thus far:

Albania, Bolivia, Gabon, Germany, Montenegro, Portugal, Spain, Thailand, Slovakia and Costa Rica

Under the treaty, the Committee on the Rights of the Child may hear complaints from individual children, groups of children, or their representatives against a state party to OP3 for a violation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and for a violation of the Convention’s other two protocols if ratified by that state.

Domestic remedies must have been exhausted or shown to be “unreasonably prolonged or unlikely to bring effective relief.”  The complaint must be submitted within one year of the exhaustion of domestic remedies unless it is shown it was not possible to bring the complaint within that time limit.  The treaty also contains a follow-up procedure, an opt-in inquiry procedure for “grave or systematic violations,” and an opt-in inter-state complaint procedure.


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 Se realizó en Nicaragua una reforma constitucional que se aprobó el 27 de enero de 2014, y entró en vigor el 10 de febrero. La misma permitirá la reelección presidencial de forma consecutiva y a su vez permite que los militares ocupen cargos en el Gobierno. AWID conversó con Azahalea Solís del Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres de Nicaragua (MAM) sobre la reforma,  los derechos de las mujeres y sobre la última represión sufrida en la marcha del 8 de marzo.


Constitutional Reform And Women’s Rights In Nicaragua

 A Constitutional reform was passed in Nicaragua on January 27, 2014 and entered into force on February 10th, which will allow consecutive presidential re-election as well military personnel to hold government posts. AWID spoke to Azahalea Solís, from Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres de Nicaragua (MAM- Autonomous Women’s Movement) about the reform, women´s rights and the recent repression during the International Women’s Day (March 8th) demonstration.


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The Violence Against Women Act was expanded in 2013 to allow Native American tribes to prosecute non-Indians in cases involving domestic violence. Before that, women such as Frances Cupis were unable to press charges against violent partners in tribal court.

ON PASCUA YAQUI INDIAN RESERVATION, ARIZ. — Tribal police chief Michael Valenzuela drove through darkened desert streets, turned into a Circle K convenience store and pointed to the spot beyond the reservation line where his officers used to take the non-Indian men who battered Indian women.
“We would literally drive them to the end of the reservation and tell them to beat it,” Valenzuela said. “And hope they didn’t come back that night. They almost always did.”
About three weeks ago, at 2:45 a.m., the tribal police were called to the reservation home of an Indian woman who was allegedly being assaulted in front of her two children. They said her 36-year-old non-Indian husband, Eloy Figueroa Lopez, had pushed her down on the couch and was violently choking her with both hands.
This time, the Yaqui police were armed with a new law that allows Indian tribes, which have their own justice system, to prosecute non-Indians. Instead of driving Lopez to the Circle K and telling him to leave the reservation, they arrested him.



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Ed. Comment: This is a rare, on-camera look at perpetrator motivational elements of sexual assault. No one can mistake it; this is not about a misunderstanding, it's not about sex. It's about violent exercise of power in the repression of women.....admin


A far-right Russian politician is facing legal problems after ordering two of his aides to ‘violently rape’ a pregnant Russia Today journalist in front of other reporters at a press conference.

Vladimir Zhironovsky, of the pro-Kremlin Liberal Democratic Party,  launched into an animated tirade against RT journalist Stella Dubovitskaya, – who is six months pregnant – after she asked him an innocuous questions about  possible sanctions against the pro-Western government  of Ukraine, according to the Daily Mail.

Responding to her question, Zhironovsky grabbed two of his male aides, telling them, “When I say, you run to her and violently rape her” before shoving them in her direction and shouting: “Go and kiss her. Grab her.”

Male and female journalists in attendance were shocked at the outburst with one male journalist asking, “She is pregnant, why are you attacking her?”

Yulia Chuchalova of news agency Interfax  spoke up in defense of Dubovitskaya, telling the politician,  “This is derogatory, humiliating – what are you doing here?”

Zhirinovsky shouted back,  “What are you doing intervening here, you lesbian? Get out of here.”

“There are pregnant women at the Maidan [Independence Square in Kiev, scene of the Ukrainian Revolution] and here as well, druggies and what have you, ” he continued. “We need healthy people. Pregnant women should not show up at work. Sit at home and look after your child, got that?”

Zhirinovsky ended his tirade with “Get out of here, you damned lesbians.”


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abogada feminista Susana Chiarotti Boero

La especialista analiza los avances y las deudas pendientes a veinte años de la adopción de la Convención Interamericana para Prevenir, Sancionar y Erradicar la Violencia contra la Mujer, conocida como Belém do Pará. Qué sucede en la Argentina. El papel del Poder Judicial.

“Dentro del Estado, el sector más reticente para enfrentar el problema de la violencia de género es el del Poder Judicial. A muchos de sus integrantes este tema no sólo no les importa mucho. Les molesta”, dice la abogada feminista Susana Chiarotti Boero, con extensísima trayectoria nacional e internacional en la defensa de los derechos humanos de las mujeres. Chiarotti es tal vez una de las voces más autorizadas en el país para analizar las respuestas del Estado en relación con un flagelo que deja un saldo atroz de un femicidio cada 30 horas y muestra que para las mujeres puede ser más peligroso su propio hogar que la calle.

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Journal: Criminal Justice and Behavior  Volume:40  Issue:12  Dated:December 2013  Pages:1434 to 1448
Author: Adrian J. Scott ; Keri Nixon ; Lorraine Sheridan
Document URL: HTML   
Publisher URL: http://cjb.sagepub.com/content/40/12.toc   
Publication Date: December 2013

The current research examined the influence of prior relationship on perceptions of stalking, and compared the perceptions of laypersons, nonspecialist police officers, and specialist police officers.


Abstract: Two studies employed experimental designs where participants were presented with one of three vignettes in which the nature of the prior relationship was manipulated so that the perpetrator and victim were portrayed as strangers, acquaintances, or ex-partners. Participants comprised 101 nonspecialist police officers and 108 laypersons in study 1, and 49 specialist police officers and 49 nonspecialist police officers in study 2. Findings indicate that nonspecialist police officers and laypersons shared the common misperception that stranger stalkers present a greater threat to the personal safety of their victims than acquaintance or ex-partner stalkers. Specialist police officers were less susceptible to common misperceptions and believed that intervention was more necessary. Specialist police officers also believed that the perpetrator’s behavior would cause the victim more alarm or personal distress than nonspecialist police officers. 


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Black Women, Sexual Assault and Sexual Exploitation: A Brief Summary

Written by Farah Tanis, Executive Director, Black Women’s Blueprint (for the Black Women’s Round Table, Release of their First Annual Report, “The State of Black Women”)

Discussing TRC

While it is standard knowledge that sexual assault is widely underreported—60% unreported each year,[1] in Black communities the number is considerably higher due to intersectional issues related to race, gender, poverty, sexuality and other identity. Approximately 9 of 10 African American victims reaching out to Black Women’s Blueprint, report never having disclosed having been assaulted to anyone within their families, community, police and/or extended criminal justice systems. Moreover, assertions by political figures, including African-American leaders that reinforce notions that rape is trivial undermine many survivors’ ability to break their silence about sexual violation.  Comments by high profile political leaders such as “some girls rape easy,[2] a “woman’s body shuts down to prevent pregnancy during rape,[3] as well as messaging in some strands of hip hop, like Lil Wayne rhyming “Beat the p**** up like Emmett Till,” [4] on rapper, Future’s “Karate Chop” (Remix) album, it is no wonder that Black women are enduring rape in silence and isolation.



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310 Conn. 535; 78 A.3d 828 (2013).

Nature of the case:

Sexual assault in the fourth degree and causing risk of injury to a child.

Facts and Issues on Appeal:

The defendant was helping the victim’s mother with her children by watching them and acting as a neutral party with the father, whom she was divorcing and with whom she had a tenuous relationship. The eight-year-old victim disclosed to a babysitter that the defendant put his hand in her underwear while he was at her home and responsible for her care. After her parents consulted a therapist, the incident was reported to police and a forensic interview was conducted with the victim.

At trial, the main theory of defense was that the victim lied about the abuse and was acting out on a “repressed desire for the defendant, to whom she had grown quite attached” amidst turmoil at home. Defense counsel asserted during closing argument that the victim’s testimony was inconsistent and revealed a motive to lie. He asked the jury to “use her words to doubt what she said.” He asked them to acquit the defendant “not because we condone the abuse of…children…but because justice and the law [require] it.” The prosecution responded by arguing that the defense was indeed asking them to condone child abuse by acquitting him on grounds that the victim was eight years old and unreliable, there were no eyewitnesses to the abuse, and other people were in the home. Among other points, she questioned whether the defense argument was about the truth, or was a "big cloud of smoke and mirrors." The jury found the defendant guilty.

On appeal, the defendant argued that both the prosecutor’s repeated assertions that defense counsel was asking the jury to condone child abuse and characterization of their theory as lying was prosecutorial impropriety. The State Supreme Court agreed, reasoning as follows:

Ruling & Rationale:

As an agent of the state and officer of the court the prosecution may not address facts or present issues that the jury has no right to consider, including improper appeals to jurors’ emotions by attacking the defendant’s character or inciting sympathy for the victim. The prosecutor improperly implied to the jury, without factual basis, that the defense was unworthy of consideration, and improperly degraded the defense counsel’s arguments. The Court rejected the claim that the defense invited the prosecutor's statements with its own unfair closing argument and ruled that curative instructions were not sufficient to offset prejudice to the defendant because they were not given at the time of the remarks, and that the state’s case was “not particularly strong" because there was no physical evidence or eyewitness testimony other than the victim.


Editorial Comment

While prosecutors must be cautious not to improperly direct a jury in its remarks so as to give the state an unfair advantage, the core of this decision implies that the state has an existing unfair advantage over defendants in sexual assault cases even though studies shows the opposite is true and that it is disproportionately difficult to obtain a conviction in a child sexual abuse case. Moreover, the court reveals a serious bias in concluding that a child sex abuse case is uniquely weak in the absence of physical proof as this amounts to a declaration that the word of a victim is inherently inadequate to establish guilt even though case law otherwise provides that the word of a victim, even a child, is sufficient to establish guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.

Finally, by determining that the prosecutor's argument amounted to reversible error, the Court effectively legitimizes the myth that children commonly lie about sexual abuse by forbidding the prosecution to mock a defense argument insisting that the myth is true. The defense even argued that the child's testimony was an expression of affection for the defendant despite the absence of research supporting such a claim. Prosecutors should be allowed to mock defense arguments as “smoke and mirrors” when, as in this case, they lack support in methodologically valid science. This case raises an important question about how prosecutors can effectively combat unfair defense arguments that rely on myths and stereotypes about children's credibility without committing reversible error.

Submitted By: Katherine Ramsey -- Law Student


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According to 2008 figures provided by the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), Bureau of Justice Statistics, women comprise just 15.5 percent of all sworn federal law enforcement officers, a decrease from 16.1 percent in 2004.1 What accounts for this underrepresentation is unclear; however, organizations with a very low percentage of minority workers, in this case, women, place countless stressors on those persons. Women have been in federal law enforcement only since 1971, but decades of research have illustrated women’s struggles to integrate into all levels of law enforcement and have shown that peer support and informal networks become essential to this minority group. Due to the decentralized nature of federal law enforcement, nongovernmental organizations such as the Women in Federal Law Enforcement, Inc. (WIFLE) have come to the forefront as advocates for all women in federal law enforcement. Not only are these organizations leading the charge in promoting women-friendly policies throughout federal law enforcement, they also offer the peer support and informal networks critical to the success and retention of women in federal policing. As federal law enforcement agencies increasingly have to compete for quality candidates in order to reflect the diversity of the communities they serve, administrators need to understand the role these nongovernmental organizations play in increasing the number of women in policing.


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As a survivor of domestic sex trafficking, Jasmine Marino-Fiandaca is now raising hope and awareness through education, mentoring and outreach. She spent two long years at what was once the Danish Health Club in Kittery, Maine, after being sold in Connecticut, and eventually, she said, on craigslist. See Seacoast Sunday and Seacoastonline.com for story and photos.

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   Urge que el Estado asuma su obligación de proteger a las niñas

La omisión del Estado en la protección de los derechos de la infancia, la violencia de género, la marginación y la pobreza son factores que fomentan las uniones tempranas.

El matrimonio infantil tiene diversas causas según cada contexto: una niña de una comunidad rural no tiene las mismas motivaciones para casarse que otra que vive en un barrio urbano, y que podría considerar que fue forzada a formar una familia.
Es decir, las 362 mil 581 niñas de 12 a 17 años que para 2010 estaban casadas, en unión libre, divorciadas, separadas o viudas –según datos del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (Inegi)–, atravesaron por diferentes circunstancias que derivaron en que llegaran al matrimonio.  
Al investigar las causas de estas uniones tempranas, Cimacnoticias encontró que hay pocos análisis, estadísticas y estudios sociológicos enfocados en niñas menores de 13 años de edad, pese a la incidencia de matrimonios y embarazos a estas edades.
De acuerdo con ONU-Mujeres, hay evidencia de que a nivel mundial, ante la marginación, algunos padres casan a sus hijas porque es la única opción que conocen, lo que significa que las niñas de comunidades con alto índice de pobreza están más propensas al matrimonio infantil.
Especialistas en derechos de la infancia coinciden en que el denominador común de las uniones tempranas son la marginación y la pobreza, y también indican que la sociedad y el Estado son responsables al considerar a niñas y niños como sujetos de tutela y no como sujetos de derechos, sobre todo el de decidir sobre su futuro.



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Islamic law is to be effectively enshrined in the British legal system for the first time under guidelines for solicitors on drawing up “Sharia compliant” wills.

Under ground-breaking guidance, produced by The Law Society, High Street solicitors will be able to write Islamic wills that deny women an equal share of inheritances and exclude unbelievers altogether.

The documents, which would be recognised by Britain’s courts, will also prevent children born out of wedlock – and even those who have been adopted – from being counted as legitimate heirs.

Anyone married in a church, or in a civil ceremony, could be excluded from succession under Sharia principles, which recognise only Muslim weddings for inheritance purposes.



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A viral social media campaign against rape and sexual harassment which spawned nationwide protests in Brazil, is giving Brazil's feminists fresh support which they intend to use to change the way Brazil's schoolchildren are taught women's rights.

The surge in support was sparked by the shocking findings of a study published on March 27 by the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA) on the attitudes of Brazilians towards sexual harassment and rape.

The research found 65 percent of the 3,810 people surveyed agreed, partly or completely, with the statement: “Women who used clothes that show off their body deserve to be attacked.”

Tens of thousands of Brazilians immediately went online to express their shock and disgust at the findings, among them Brazil's first female president, Dilma Rousseff, who decried such attitudes and said Brazil had “a long way to go on combatting violence against women.”

The next day journalist Nana Queiroz walked out in front of Congress in the capital, Brasília, and took a picture of herself, undressed to the waist. Folded across her chest, her arms bore a phrase which has now rung out across Brazil: “Eu Não Mereço Ser Estuprada.” “I Don't Deserve To Be Raped.”


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Dear Task Force Members,
We want to support the recommendations submitted by RAINN and by the National Sexual Violence Resource Center. We would also like to add one additional recommendation not included in those submissions, a restructuring of campus sexual assault services that we believe is essential for successful implementation of any of the other recommendations.
The key responders to campus sexual assault - the police, advocates, counselors, title IX coordinators, and others, - should be independent of campus administration and financing, for the same reason that  institutional independence is deemed essential for proper response to sexual assaults that occur in the military and in the Catholic church. This independence is needed to avoid the inherent and profound conflict of interest that exists when campus responders are employed and supervised by the very same institution that has such overpowering financial interests in protecting its ‘reputation’ and in suppressing the number, the problem, and reports of sexual assaults.
The Problem: 
This task force was formed due to the inordinately high rate of sexual assaults and low rate of adequate responses to those assaults on our college and university campuses.The problem of poor response to sexual assault, of course, exists everywhere, and everywhere the problem requires a full spectrum of strong remedies.
We believe one of the main factors contributing to the particular gravity of this problem on campuses is that, unlike responders to sexual assaults in the community at large, the responders to campus sexual assaults are mostly all hired, supervised, and paid by the very colleges and universities that, at the same time, have enormous financial interest in suppressing the reports of sexual assaults at their institution, if for no other reason than to convince parents of potential students that their institution is a safe place to send their kids. This creates an unworkable conflict of interest in which the campus police, advocates, counselors, title IX coordinators, and other campus sexual assault responders must operate.It is impossible to at once expect the same institutions that have such a strong financial interest in hushing up the problem of sexual assault to properly provide the visibility, accountability, and public documentation essential to providing adequate response to and prevention of sexual assault.
The direct and dire consequences of this built-in conflict of interest on our campuses are, not surprisingly, much the same as the consequences seen in the military and the Catholic church. At best, sexual assault victims are steered into soft, quiet, ineffective, and unjust responses, such as mediation, counseling, and informal, off-the-record processes. At worst, as happens far too often, the victims are vilified and retaliated against for reporting. Far too many campus sexual assault victims, as has been well recorded, are shunned to the extent they feel they must leave the school. Almost always, the justice and protection that are essential for proper response and prevention are denied.
In order to eliminate the conflict of interest, adequate firewalls must be constructed between the administration, supervision, and payroll of campus sexual assault responders, particularly campus police, and the educational institutions where they work. As a stop-gap measure victims of campus sexual assault should be informed of, and given the option of going directly to off-campus sexual assault services.
Thank you for your attention and your work,
Marie De Santis

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