Womens Justice Center

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


Annotation:  This article reports on the prevalence of weapons involved in the victimization of youth, with emphasis on weapons with a “high lethality risk” and how such exposure fits into the broader victimization and life experiences of children and adolescents.
Abstract:  Estimates from the Second National Survey of Children’s Exposure to Violence indicate that approximately 17.5 million youth in the United States have been exposed to violence involving a weapon in their lifetimes as witnesses or victims, or approximately one in four children. More than 2 million youth in the United States (1 in 33) have been directly assaulted in incidents where the high lethality risk weapons of guns and knives were used. Differences were noted between victimizations involving higher and lower lethality risk weapons as well as between any weapon involvement versus none. Poly-victims, youth with seven or more victimization types, were particularly likely to experience victimization with any weapon, as well as victimization with a highly lethal weapon compared with nonpoly-victims. These findings add to the field’s broadening conceptualization of youth victimization, highlighting the potentially highly consequential risk factor of weapon exposure as a component of victimization experiences on the mental health of youth. Further work on improving gun safety practices and taking steps to reduce children's exposure to weapon-involved violence is warranted to reduce this problem. Data were collected as part of the Second National Survey of Children’s Exposure to Violence, a nationally representative telephone survey of youth ages 2 to 17 years and caregivers (N = 4,114) conducted in 2011. (Publisher abstract modified)


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A former Yale student has struggled for years to get the government to investigate her claims that a professor harassed her and that the school mishandled the case.

A federal complaint filed against Yale University claims the Ivy League school violated the gender equity law Title IX multiple times between 2010 and 2015 by mishandling reports that one of its well-known professors, Thomas Pogge, harassed students. 


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“Patriarchy and racism means I’m less likely to be thought the doctor, so that allows me to hide in the open.”


COPENHAGEN — In 2014, black abortion provider Dr. Willie Parker was talking to a white reporter from New York City at the “Pink House” — the last remaining abortion clinic in Mississippi — when the reporter asked Parker if he ever feared for his safety. As Parker and the reporter, John Richardson for Esquire, prepared to exit the Jackson clinic through the throng of protesters screaming outside, the doctor half-seriously warned Richardson that he was the one who should be afraid: People looking at the two of them would assume the white man is the doctor, he said. 

“I told him, because he had never been to the South before, ‘When we walk out this door, just so you know, if they’re gonna shoot somebody, it’s probably going to be you and not me,’” Parker, 54, told The Huffington Post in an interview at a global women’s health conference in Copenhagen.

“He found a chuckle in that, but he really began to think about what it meant that people who are extreme on this issue also have issues around race and class,” he said. 


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  • Manifiesto del Círculo Estatal de Podemos Feminismos

    Líneas moradas

    Propuestas del Círculo Feminista Estatal ante el 26J

  • Madrid, 17 mayo. 16. AmecoPress. A continuación reproducimos el texto del Manifiesto del Círculo Estatal de Podemos Feminismos, llamado Líneas Moradas, que recoge propuestas ante las elecciones que se celebrarán el próximo 26 junio y que anda circulando por las redes en busca de adhesiones. Teniendo en cuenta que, conquistas históricas feministas como los principios éticos y (...)  LEER MÁS

  • Feministas de IU critican el contenido del acuerdo con Podemos

    Madrid, 17 mayo. 16. AmecoPress. El acuerdo firmado entre IU y Podemos para concurrir a las próximas elecciones del 26 de junio ha provocado muchas reacciones. Entre otras, el Área de la Mujer de IU ha manifestado su “más que seria inquietud” por algunos de los puntos del acuerdo y las posibles decisiones futuras. En una misiva dirigida a la dirección federal de IU el Área (...) LEER MÁS

    Comunicado del Partido Feminista de España

  • Y ante el tema del uso igualitario de los lenguajes existe una resistencia brutal al cambio por parte del patriarcado porque este conoce el verdadero poder transformador de las palabras

    El "UNIDOS" y las mujeres

    Sin las mujeres no hay democracia real. Sin las propuestas feministas no puede haber cambio real. Y sin cambio real sólo son sopas de letras. Y como a la genial Mafalda, no me gusta la sopa

  • Ontinyent – Valencia, 17 may. 16. AmecoPress.- Esta semana se llegaba a un acuerdo de confluencia entre Izquierda Unida y PODEMOS para acudir conjuntamente a las elecciones generales del próximo 26 de junio. Al parecer uno de los escollos importantes que se tuvieron que sortear fue el nombre con el que acudirían a las urnas. Al final hubo fumata blanca y se acordó el de (...)


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The Los Angeles school district will pay $88 million to settle sexual abuse cases at two elementary schools where complaints about the teachers behavior had surfaced long before their arrest, officials confirmed Monday. 

The settlement with 30 children and their families, finalized over the weekend, is the second largest in district history, and brings a dark chapter to an apparent close.


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This 15 May is the International Day of Families. So what’s this all about - and what do families, human rights and gender justice have to do with one another?

Established principles of international human rights law uphold the rights of all individuals within families to be

  • free of coercion, violence and discrimination;
  • free to found families on an equal basis; and
  • free to become a part of diverse forms of families around the world.

Yet today we stand witness to ongoing violations of these intrinsic rights across regions - including intimate partner violence and child abuse, harmful practices, stigmatization, and unequal family laws - and the failure of states to ensure these rights and to hold perpetrators accountable.

And at the same time, conservative actors are leading the charge at the UN and other human rights spaces to undermine and chip away at our rights protections themselves. Ironically, many of these actors use emerging discourses around ‘the family’ to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.


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It doesn't take much to catch the eye of ISIS recruiters, who aggressively monitor social media.

"The moment you indicate any sort of interest in ISIS or ask any questions about it on a social platform, you get 500 new followers on Twitter, you get 500 friends on Facebook, you start getting emails and messages constantly—it's a kind of love bombing," explains Mia Bloom, Georgia State University professor and author of Bombshell: Women and Terrorism, of the remarkably systematic way the process works. "All of a sudden, you feel really popular, important, and significant because of this flood of attention. And it all wraps up in the same ideology they message over and over: ISIS can give you something emotionally and psychologically that you will not have unless you come to the Islamic State."

On Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and Tumblr, users indicate their allegiance by using the moniker "IS," "Islamic State," or  "Dawlah" (the group's preferred names) in their private profiles. Some feature the ISIS flag in their banner or profile picture, while others post photos dotted with the symbol. Many boast in their bios about how many times their accounts had been shut down and direct followers to alternative accounts.


After a recruiter makes initial contact, they will take the conversation to more private online platforms like Kik, WhatsApp, or, the new favorite, Telegram, an encrypted messaging app which gives senders the option to have a message self-destruct after it's read. (Recruiting efforts used to be more public but, in February, Twitter announced that it had suspended 125,000 ISIS-related accounts. A few discreet public accounts located by MarieClaire.com feature links leading to the website justpaste.it, where ISIS members can post propaganda that goes undetected by search engines. Users can only access the pages with an exact link.)

ISIS sympathizers posting propaganda could be anywhere in the world: Syria, Iraq, or sitting in a coffee shop in the Midwest. But for those who travel to ISIS-controlled territory, recruiting takes on an official capacity. Many of the Western women who join the Islamic State are sent to a room and given the full-time job of recruiting women just like them, explains Anne Speckhard, author of the study Brides of ISIS: The Internet Seduction of Western Females into ISIS.


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Según estudio “Estado de las madres en México: embarazo y maternidad en la adolescencia”}.

2013 a 2014 se registraron 394 nacimientos de madres de 10 años AmecoPress/SemMéxico.- El embarazo en adolescentes va en aumento en México, donde mujeres menores de 20 años paren uno de cada cinco nacimientos, situación que deriva del incumplimiento de los derechos fundamentales de este grupo etario.

Así lo dijo María Josefina Menéndez, Directora Ejecutiva (CEO) de Save The Children en México durante la presentación del estudio “Estado de las madres en México: embarazo y maternidad en la adolescencia”.


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Title:  Effects of Moms and Teens for Safe Dates: A Dating Abuse Prevention Program for Adolescents Exposed to Domestic Violence
Document URL:  HTML   
  This randomized controlled trial evaluated a dating abuse prevention program designed specifically for adolescents exposed to domestic violence, who are at high risk for dating abuse.

Overall, the findings suggest that a dating abuse prevention program designed for adolescents exposed to domestic violence can have important positive effects. Program effects on psychological and physical victimization and psychological and cyber perpetration were moderated by the amount of adolescent exposure to domestic violence; there were significant favorable program effects for adolescents with higher, but not lower levels of exposure to domestic violence. There were no moderated or main effects on sexual violence victimization and perpetration or cyber victimization.

Moms and Teens for Safe Dates consisted of six mailed booklets of dating abuse prevention information and interactive activities. Mothers who had been victims of domestic violence but no longer lived with the abuser delivered the program to their adolescents who had been exposed to the abuse. Mother and adolescent pairs (N = 409) were recruited through community advertising; the adolescents ranged from 12 to 16 years old and 64 percent were female. Mothers and adolescents completed baseline and 6-month follow-up telephone interviews. Booklet completion in the treatment group ranged from 80 percent for the first to 62 percent for the last booklet.

The analyses first tested whether program effects on dating abuse varied by four a priori identified moderators (mother’s psychological health, the amount of adolescent exposure to domestic violence, and adolescent sex and race/ethnicity). Main effects of the program were examined when there were no differential program effects. (Publisher abstract modified)

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Two Spanish cases currently pending before the European Court of Human Rights illustrate gaping lacunae in the protections extended to victims of trafficking on the continent.  They also, however, offer a unique opportunity to broaden this protection by recognizing, for the first time, that the trafficking of human beings is a form of slavery and violence that constitutes discrimination against women and girls. By linking trafficking and discrimination (in the same way that it linked domestic violence with gender discrimination in cases like Opuz vs. Turkey), and thereby requiring that States appropriately protect victims of trafficking and refrain from further discriminatory treatment against them, the Court would provide much more robust safeguards for some of the most vulnerable women in Europe.




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This new and practical guide for violence-against-women practitioners is focused on strategic prevention messaging and work with media. 

Full guide for download                  

Eleven ways to boost your work with news media: How to help the media to report prevention of violence against women

 [PDF Format] [Word Format]

 Individual sections for download     Introduction to the resource [PDF Format]     1. Plan for your capacity [PDF Format]        2. Recognise the complexity of PVAW work [PDF Format]     3. Know some Media Industry basics [PDF Format]        4.Be responsive to news immediacy and deadlines [PDF Format]                5. Prepare tailored PVAW messages for all communications (including tricky questions) [PDF Format]           6. Keep key statistics at hand [PDF Format]         7.Be responsive to media requests for personal stories [PDF Format]          8.Know some basics about giving comment or media interviews [PDF Format]        9. Build the newsworthiness of your content [PDF Format]       10. Build media trust and commitment to PVAW [PDF Format]        11. Work with Media & Communications staff [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 1: Critical themes and concepts for PVAW messaging [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 2:Useful statistics and evidence on VAW [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 3: Characteristics of key messages [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 4: Further Resources [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 5: Glossary [PDF Format]

Delivering clear and accurate information and messages about prevention of violence against women to the media is not always easy. We have a current opportunity to provide information and evidence about prevention of violence against women to the media in ways that make it more accessible and engaging for the community. 

Working more effectively with the news media industry requires developing skills that include knowledge of the media industry and its business requirements, being responsive to media agendas and requests, providing accessible content, and finding proactive ways to build news interest and nuance in the reporting of prevention of violence against women.

This guide is aimed at practitioners working on violence-against-women response, early-intervention and prevention services and programs who want to work more effectively with media to communicate key messages about prevention of violence against women. It provides tools, tips and food for thought, including critical 'themes' and content for messaging on prevention of violence against women.

The guide addresses Actions 2.1 and 2.2 of Working with news and social media to prevent violence against women and their children: A Strategic Framework for Victoria and draws from the recently released national framework Change the Story (Our Watch 2015)

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Observatorio de la Violencia doméstica y de género del Consejo General del Poder Judicial

 El pasado 19 de abril organizaciones feministas, miembros del Observatorio estatal contra la violencia de género y organizaciones especializadas en la prevención de la violencia machista presentaron una queja conjunta ante el Observatorio de la violencia doméstica y de género del Consejo General del Poder Judicial y ante el Ministerio de Justicia por el uso que se está haciendo del Síndrome de alienación parental (SAP) por parte de la Jueza titular del juzgados de 1º Instancia e Instrucción nº 5 de Talavera de la Reina, Ana Belén Gómez Dorado, así como por parte del Instituto de Medicina Legal de Toledo y el psicólogo forense Maxim Wilberg Nodal, en el caso de la custodia de la hija de Susana Guerrero.

La presidenta del Observatorio de la Violencia doméstica y de género del Consejo General del Poder Judicial, Ángeles Carmona, ha respondido a la queja informando de que “se ha remitido la queja presentada a la Unidad de Atención Ciudadana, que forma parte del servicio de acción disciplinaria, para que, en caso que así se decida, revise la actuación judicial en este caso, acumulando a ésta, todas las quejas que sobre asuntos en materia de familia se hayan presentado en ese juzgado”.

A su vez, Carmona ha manifestado que en la próxima reunión del Pleno del Observatorio, prevista para el mes de mayo, se incluirá en el orden del día la actualización de la guía de criterios de actuación de actuación judicial en materia de violencia de género, en la que se tratará el tema del SAP.


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"En el metro, un imbécil me tocó por todas partes y se masturbaba. Nadie me ayudó aunque lloré y grité. Tenía 16 años"

Madrid, 26 abr. 16. AmecoPress.- Mensajes como estos han hecho que el hashtag #MiPrimerAcoso se convirtiera en trending topic en las redes sociales y en una campaña global contra el acoso sexual.

Iniciada en México con motivo de la gran protesta contra la violencia de género que tuvo lugar este fin de semana, el hashtag y las historias compartidas han indignado a miles de mujeres que desafortunadamente se han sentido identificadas con las micro-historias compartidas y se han animado también a compartir sus primeras experiencias de acoso sexual.

• #MiPrimerAcoso Tenía 11 años y un tipo pasó en una bicicleta y me apretó un seno. Una señora en la calle me culpó por llevar esa blusa.

• #MiPrimerAcoso En un autobús de largo recorrido, me desperté con la mano de un barbudo bajo mi falda, sus dedos entre mis piernas.

• #MiPrimerAcoso En el metro, un imbécil me tocó por todas partes y se masturbaba. Nadie me ayudó aunque lloré y grité. Tenía 16 años.

• #MiPrimerAcoso En el camión un tipo siempre buscaba repegarmela, un día me harte y le di un codazo, todo mundo me miro a mi y no a él.

• #Miprimeracoso A mis 9 años en el trolebus, me avergüenza tanto que no soy capaz de compartirlo públicamente. 

Vergüenza. Humillación. Tristeza. Indignación. Trauma. Son algunos de los sentimientos que ha suscitado en miles de mujeres esta campaña virtual al tener que recordar momentos que muchas habían preferido olvidar. Las historias compartidas han vuelto a evidenciar que el acoso callejero es algo que sufrimos todas las mujeres, algo tolerado, aceptado y en algunos casos hasta promovido por nuestra sociedad patriarcal que en nada depende de nuestro comportamiento ni vestimenta. No son nuestras faldas, no son nuestros escotes, no es nuestra edad, no es la hora, ni es el lugar. No somos nosotras.


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Trainings’ use of ‘cartoonish, unrealistic’ examples could be partially to blame for men’s subsequent dismissal of allegations, says Berkeley professor

Sexual harassment courses aimed at preventing workplace discrimination can have the opposite effect, making men less capable of perceiving inappropriate behavior and more likely to blame victims, according to academic studies that cast doubt on traditional training programs.

One researcher who has questioned the effectiveness of harassment prevention classes is Lauren Edelman, a professor of law and sociology at the University of California Berkeley, the prestigious school that has been at the center of a series of high-profile faculty misconduct scandals in recent months.

“Sexual harassment training may, in fact, make it less likely that males will recognize situations that are harassing,” said Edelman, a faculty member in the renowned UC Berkeley law school, where Sujit Choudhry resigned as dean after he was found to have sexually harassed his executive assistant. “Sexual harassment training may provoke backlash in males.”

Studies testing the effects of harassment training are very limited, but some research has suggested counterintuitive and troubling consequences – that after men complete trainings, they may be more inclined to brush aside allegations and discount victims.

Some researchers believe trainings have no positive effects, tend to be more about legal cover than meaningful prevention or may even have unintended negative consequences – raising serious concerns about the way colleges and companies heavily focus on training as a solution to harassment.


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For centuries in the United States, child labor was all too common.

Despite efforts from educators to encourage primary school, an immigration boom in the latter half of the 19th century resulted in a new pool of child workers. The influx of low-earning, compliant young laborers coincided with the rapid expansion of industrial positions in mills and factories.

Children worked long hours, often in cramped, dangerous conditions, to help support their families.

At the turn of the 20th century, social reformers took aim at child labor.

The National Child Labor Committee used photography to bring attention to the children's abysmal working conditions and push for reform at the state level.

1. Lalar Blanton, 10, sneaks a glimpse outside during her shift at the Rhodes Manufacturing Co. in Lincolnton, North Carolina. (1908)


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The corporate denial of violation of human rights in the death of Berta Cáceres reveals the web of complicities and impunity that prompted her assassination.

Berta Cáceres was killed while sleeping in her home in La Esperanza, Honduras on 3rd March 2016. Over the past few years, she had been harassed, and received multiple death threats for her role in the movements she led opposing the Agua Zarca dam project. The project threatened to cut off the water supply to the Indigenous Lenca community in Honduras, depriving them of the right to sustainably manage and live off their territories and sacred river.

Cáceres won the 2015 Goldman Environmental Prize for her work. But even before her death she had already paid a heavy price for her activism, because of which, her daughters and son had been forced to leave the country as their lives were under threat. Less than two weeks after Berta’s murder, 150 families members of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), founded by Berta, were evicted from the community of Rio Lindo, Cortés, by the Military Police and the Special Force ‘Cobras’.  And Nelson García, also a member of COPINH, who had assisted families evicted earlier in the day, was murdered.

Berta Caceres

© Goldman Prize, Berta Cáceres and local assembly community members campaigning against the Agua Zarca dam.


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CIMACFoto: César Martínez López

Por: Lydia Cacho

Cimacnoticias | Ciudad de México.- 25/04/2016 Durante más de 15 años he planteado una pregunta a miles de víctimas de violencia… ¿qué es lo más frustrante de interponer una denuncia en tu país? Estas son las respuestas por orden de importancia. Nótese que frente a la pregunta sobre frustración, casi todas las personas responden con la palabra miedo por delante.
1. El miedo a que no me crean las autoridades.
2. El miedo a que le avisen a mi agresor (secuestrador, violador, etcétera) y haya venganza.
3. El miedo a que me humillen los peritos o el juez o el Ministerio Público.
4. El miedo a que me quede sin trabajo por tener que ocuparme de investigar mi caso como le pasa a casi toda la gente.
5. La angustia a no tener dinero para pagar buenos abogados que no se vendan.
6. El miedo a que retraumaticen a mi hijo o hija por no saber cómo tratar a niños o niñas víctimas de abuso.
7. El miedo, la frustración anticipada de que le dedique dos o tres años de mi vida al caso, y al final el juez no gire sentencia porque el Ministerio Público y la policía no supieron recabar evidencia.
8. El miedo a que me revictimice más hacer un proceso judicial que el delito en sí mismo.
9. El miedo a que me maltraten, me manoseen, me humillen en la Procuraduría por haber sido violada, violado.
10. El miedo y la angustia a que me castigue la autoridad por haber dicho la verdad.
Estoy segura de que las y los lectores coinciden con la mayoría de temores; también sé, porque lo he documentado, que dentro de las fiscalías, juzgados y procuradurías hay personas honestas que intentan romper los vicios estructurales que generan injusticia e impunidad; también viven con miedo y frustración.
Entonces ¿quiénes no viven con miedo? Los operadores de la parálisis del sistema. El primero es el presidente Enrique Peña Nieto y los gobernadores del país que se rehúsan a diario a aceptar la división de poderes. Ellos son los saboteadores principales del  Sistema de Justicia Penal Procesal, impulsan las leyes y paralelamente las desactivan.
El caso Ayotzinapa es hoy el más simbólico: policías y militares ocultan información; el PRI y PRD protegen a su alcalde y gobernador vinculados con la delincuencia organizada y desapariciones forzadas; esta connivencia provoca que la PGJ de Guerrero y la PGR manipulen la evidencia.


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On 8 March 2016, last month’s International Women’s Day, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)  published a Practitioners’ Guide on women’s access to justice for gender-based violence, a piece of work I completed as a consultant.

This Practitioners’ Guide, part of a series of Guides on specific legal topics that the ICJ has produced, serves as a manual designed to introduce legal practitioners to the international and regional framework relevant to gender based violence advocacy. The project has been extremely timely, as the most recent General Recommendation 33 of the CEDAW Committee on women’s access to justice was published in August, and the substance of this new standard has been incorporated into this new Practitioners’ Guide.


The first half of the Guide is based on a review of key global and regional legal standards – including the universal human rights treaties and regional treaties addressing women’s human rights from the African, American and European systems, and a brief reference to regional developments in the Arab Charter on Human Rights and ASEAN human rights systems. This part of the guide also contains condensed references to international and regional jurisprudence on gender-based violence, and some examples of good practice in jurisprudence at the domestic level.

Other trends in the jurisprudence and standards addressed in this Practitioners’ Guide include the confirmation of intersectionality as an approach that should be taken by courts to promote equality – especially the rights of Indigenous women (the cases ofValentina Rosendo Cantú and Ines Fernandez Ortega) and also including the right not to be subjected to discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity being recognized in treaty law (Istanbul Convention, Article 4(3)).

The second half of the Practitioners’ Guide addresses the practical situation faced by women survivors of gender-based violence, and the steps that States need to address in order to secure their access to justice in practice. This requires that the justice process deals with women’s need for safety and access to services, including medical services, ensuring women’s empowerment and access to information about their right to justice. There is a Chapter dedicated to women’s experience of the criminal justice system, ensuring that victims and witnesses can give their evidence in safety and dignity. The substantive and procedural criminal laws must also reflect the rights of victims, and are applied in such a way that impunity is addressed effectively.



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 For too long the global sex industry and its vested interests have dominated the prostitution debate repeating the same old line that sex work is just like any job. In large sections of the media, academia, public policy, Government and the law, the sex industry has had its way. Little is said of the damage, violation, suffering, and torment of prostitution on the body and the mind, nor of the deaths, suicides and murders that are routine in the sex industry.

Prostitution Narratives: Stories of Survival in the Sex Trade refutes the lies and debunks the myths spread by the industry through the lived experiences of women who have survived prostitution. These disturbing stories give voice to formerly prostituted women who explain why they entered the sex trade. They bravely and courageously recount their intimate experiences of harm and humiliation at the hands of sex buyers, pimps and traffickers and reveal their escape and emergence as survivors.

Edited by Caroline Norma and Melinda Tankard Reist, Prostitution Narratives documents the reality of prostitution revealing the cost to the lives of women and girls.

Prostitution Narratives: Stories of Survival in the Sex Trade will strengthen and support the global campaign to abolish prostitution, provide solidarity and solace to those who bear its scars and hopefully help women and girls exit this dehumanising industry.

Forthcoming -Forthcoming title.
Orders will ship on release date.

Write a review.

Prostitution Narratives is a compelling collection of first-person accounts of survival in the brutal prostitution market in industrialised countries. The women describe the way prostitution destroys a person’s identity, health and self-worth, leaving them without safety or a rightful place in the world. The world owes a debt of gratitude to these women for their courage in speaking out against the most cruel, organized economic system in the world. These narratives should serve as a rallying cry for action to end this modern-day slave trade.

Donna M. Hughes, Professor & Eleanor M. and Oscar M. Carlson Endowed Chair in Women’s Studies, University of Rhode Island

Whatever your stand on prostitution, it’s the first-hand stories of women that have to be listened to first. These accounts are among the most unsettling you will ever read, dispelling in just a few pages the comforting fairytales our society has built around ‘sex work’.

Steve Biddulph, author of 'Raising Boys'

Powerful and painful. Read it and weep. This book is an essential tool in the fight for freedom.

Danielle Strickland, anti-trafficking advocate and author


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Our voices are being eroded and erased, not simply ignored

EXCERPT: Justice issues bring us to impunity. While the IFJ has been working tirelessly with a variety of international partners (UN, UNWOMEN, GAMAG, etc.) to tackle issues of impunity against all journalists, and with a focus on women, it has not yet made any impact in the newsroom or in the field. Some of these measure are aimed at those journalists killed in the line of reporting, some target harassment, sexual violence and violence – an area that, for the most part, remains under reported and underlying throughout the globe and the field.

In the most cohesive survey of it’s kind to date, the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF) and the International News Safety Institute (INSI) published it’s findings on a survey of women journalists in 2014. Two thirds of respondents admitted having received threats, intimidation or abuse in connection to journalistic work, one third that these came from their boss, half had experienced sexual harassment, and a fifth violence. Most of these abuses go unreported.

They have not spoken because of fear of reprisals: loss of job, loss of freedom, and in some cases threats and loss of life. Families of targeted women journalists are also often threatened (see Colombia below).

What is clear from the above, is that while we applaud the work of the IFJ and their international partners to place these issues at the top of the agenda, we urge all of our affiliates to search deep within their own areas to root out these unceasing, unchanging threats to equity in the news and newsrooms: ongoing systemic discrimination, harassment and violence. To implement these measures, laws, declarations and agreements with the same energy applied to silence us and take action not to allow these issues to be pushed out of the highlight and back into the shadows.


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This piece was published in partnership withRewire. This is the first installment of a three-part series about the missing and murdered Native women in the United States and Canada.

Although Trudi Lee was only 7 when her big sister went missing back in 1971, she wept when she talked about that traumatic event 45 years later. “Sometimes I would catch our mom crying alone,” Lee said. “She would never tell me why, but I knew it was over Janice.”

Janice was 15 when she went missing near the Yakama reservation in Washington. Although her parents reported her missing to tribal law enforcement, there was never any news of the lively, pretty girl. “Mom died in 2001 without ever knowing what happened,” Lee said. “We still think of Janice and would at least like to put her to rest in the family burial plot.”

“It happens all the time in Indian country,” said Carmen O’Leary, coordinator of the Native Women’s Society of the Great Plains in South Dakota, a coalition of Native programs that provide services to women who experience violence. “When Native women go missing, they are very likely to be dead.”

Indeed, on some reservations, Native women are murdered at more than 10 times the national average, according to U.S. Associate Attorney General Thomas Perrelli, who presented that gruesome statistic while addressing the Committee on Indian Affairs on Violence Against Women in 2011.


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Republican lawmakers have been doggedly focused on Planned Parenthood for months, hoping to catch the national women’s health organization breaking laws related to fetal tissue donation. This crusade has taken a particularly aggressive turn in Missouri — where state senators are threatening to throw the head of St. Louis’ Planned Parenthood affiliate in jail.

The senators are trying to hold the Planned Parenthood employee in contempt of court — because the clinic has refused turn over a broad swath of private medical documents, which the organization says would have violated federal privacy laws.

The contempt charge is related to a November subpoena issued to Mary Kogut, President and CEO of Planned Parenthood of the St. Louis Region and Southwest Missouri, by the interim Missouri State Senate Committee on the Sanctity of Life. The committee was convened to investigate allegations that the women’s health organization illegally sells fetal remains, made by the Center for Medical Progress’ widely-debunked sting videos.

Among the requested documents are all consent forms signed by patients as part of receiving abortion care or prior to being administered anesthesia since 2010. As the clinic is the only remaining abortion provider in the state, this would effectively give lawmakers the names of the bulk of the women in Missouri who’ve received abortions in recent years, other than a small number of procedures performed at hospitals. Crucially, the committee’s document request makes no specifications about what would happen with the information after it is turned over, so there is no guarantee that the information could not be turned over to the public.

Planned Parenthood’s lawyers contend that the committee lacks the authority to subpoena the documents — many of which contain information protected by the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) — and that turning them would be a breach of doctor-patient confidentiality and federal privacy laws.


SEE ALSO: Clinton Calls Out Debate Moderators For Never Asking About Abortion Rights

EXCERPT: “We’ve not had one question about a woman’s right to make her own decisions about reproductive health care, not one question,” Clinton said. “And in the meantime we have states, governors doing everything they can to restrict women’s rights. We have a presidential candidate by the name of Donald Trump saying that women should be punished and we are never asked about this.”

...... the topic has not made it into any of the nine official Democratic debates. As Clinton mentioned, many Republican-controlled state legislatures and Republican governors have moved in recent months to strip funding from women’s health organizations like Planned Parenthood, as haveRepublicans in the U.S. Congress.

“It goes to the heart of who we are as women, our rights, our autonomy, our ability to make our own decisions, and we need to be talking about that and defending Planned Parenthood from these outrageous attacks,” added Clinton.

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Almost two years ago, when the Chibok girls were snatched from their beds in the darkness and tossed into oblivion — I penned an essay that basically thwarted any hopes we had for their safe return.

But prior to that — about a week before the unthinkable transpired — I had an insightful conversation with a good friend of mine about the country of my heritage.

Nigeria. There is no specific way to establish the bipolar relationship I have for a nation that treats its citizens with such disdain.

Growing up in Nigeria taught me to truly appreciate the fact that I was also American. I knew there would be a way out when I was all grown up and ready to claim my birthright.

Funny thing is that now that I’m all grown up and claimed what’s rightfully mine — there is still the feeling of not belonging.



SEE ALSO: Malala’s Open Letter to Parents of the Kidnapped Chibok Girls – 


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La pena por comprar sexo podrá llegar a los 3.500 euros

Madrid, 7 de abril. 16. AmecoPress. Tras dos años de debate parlamentario, Francia aprobó finalmente ayer, 6 de abril, una ley integral sobre prostitución basada en los derechos humanos. Entre las medidas recogidas destaca la penalización de los compradores de servicios sexuales y la despenalización de las personas que ejercen la prostitución.

Con el objetivo de avanzar para acabar con la prostitución, Francia se sitúa como el quinto país europeo que penaliza al consumidor de servicios sexuales; esta medida ha sido previamente implantada en Suecia, Noruega, Islandia y Reino Unido.

Aquellos que compren sexo podrán ser penalizados con una multa de 1.500 euros, que podrá ascender a 3.500, en caso de que existan delitos previos. Además se implantaran cursos de sensibilización para que los consumidores conozcan lo que esconde esta práctica. Con estas medidas el ejecutivo francés pretende que descienda considerablemente la demanda.

 En el intento de garantizar que la prostitución no sea una alternativa, el Gobierno francés aportará ayudas económicas destinadas a apoyar y reinsertar a todas aquellas mujeres que quieran dejar de ejercer la prostitución; además de facilitar el permiso de residencia, durante al menos seis meses, a las mujeres víctimas de trata con fines sexuales.


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